Why the white bear is still there: Electrophysiological evidence for ironic semantic activation during thought suppression
Why the white bear is still there: Electrophysiological evidence for ironic semantic activation during thought suppression
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DOI：
10.1016/j.brainres.2009.12.041
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发表时间：
2010-02-26
期刊：
影响因子：
2.9
通讯作者：
Wicha, Nicole Y. Y.
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Giuliano, Ryan J.;Wicha, Nicole Y. Y.
许多研究都集中在思想抑制的矛盾效应上，导致了这样一种观点，即多余思想的增加是由于一种具有讽刺意味的监控过程，这种监控过程增加了人们试图从意识中摆脱的思想的激活。然而，从行为研究结果来看，仍然不清楚被压抑的想法是否在压抑行为中变得更容易接近。在本研究中，被试在简单的词汇判断任务中记录了抑制或表达焦点词思想时的事件相关电位。调制在N400组件在这里报告表明，在语义水平上发生的矛盾的影响，在抑制期间，以及一些证据的抑制期后的反弹效果。有趣的是，语义激活是更大的抑制过程中的焦点词比表达，尽管在N1窗口的差异表明，表达引起更大的知觉处理比抑制。结果提供了电生理证据的反讽过程模型和支持最近的索赔不对称网络激活在思想抑制。(C)2009爱思唯尔有限公司版权所有。
Much research has focused on the paradoxical effects of thought suppression, leading to the viewpoint that increases in unwanted thoughts are due to an ironic monitoring process that increases the activation of the very thoughts one is trying to rid from consciousness. However, it remains unclear from behavioral findings whether suppressed thoughts become more accessible during the act of suppression. In the current study, event-related potentials were recorded while participants suppressed or expressed thoughts of a focus word during a simple lexical decision task. Modulations in the N400 component reported here demonstrate the paradoxical effects occurring at the semantic level during suppression, as well as some evidence for the rebound effect after suppression periods. Interestingly, semantic activation was greater for focus words during suppression than expression, despite differences in the N1 window suggesting that expression elicited greater perceptual processing than suppression. Results provide electrophysiological evidence for the Ironic Process model and support recent claims of asymmetric network activation during thought suppression. (C) 2009 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.