Widow remarriage in Haryana. Law strengthens repressiveness of popular culture.

Widow remarriage in Haryana. Law strengthens repressiveness of popular culture.
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哈里亚纳邦寡妇再婚。

DOI:
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发表时间:
1994
期刊:
Manushi
影响因子:
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通讯作者:
P. Chowdhry
P. Chowdhry
中科院分区:
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文献类型:
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作者:
P. Chowdhry

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在印度北方的旁遮普-哈里亚纳邦地区,寡妇再婚的做法被描述为经常不匹配和不受欢迎的联盟,没有寡妇的选择,这有助于支持一夫多妻制的做法。包办配偶之间的平均间隔可以是10年,年轻的配偶是姐夫(这种在丈夫家庭内再婚的习惯做法被称为“karewa”)。Karewa可能涉及3岁或13至14岁的未成年人。通常,村里和家里的长辈会支持与未成年人再婚的做法。寡妇可能被迫与公婆住在一起,直到未成年人成年。有时候,寡妇会和年长的男人私奔,或者组成一夫多妻的联盟。在一夫多妻制的婚姻中,再婚是社会可以接受的,因为第一个妻子可能是不育的,或者只生了女儿;这种做法是可取的,因为它保证了家庭中多一个工人。Karewa是控制寡妇性行为和控制地产和政府养恤金的一种可取手段。1956年《印度教继承法》等法律给予寡妇绝对的继承权,从而激励了karewa。对一个家庭的经济利益可能是相当大的。如果寡妇再婚离开其已故丈夫的家庭,则可取消养恤金。卡雷瓦的动机可能是恐惧和忧虑,也可能是贪婪。由于担心寡妇可能在别处定居,婚姻可以在丈夫葬礼后两周内安排,而不是通常的一年。战争寡妇行会记录了寡妇在这一制度下受到的剥削和痛苦。反对karewa的寡妇几乎没有选择。1981年,哈里亚纳邦不到1%的农村寡妇处于适婚年龄(16-44岁)且未婚。一个有孩子的寡妇几乎100%肯定是卡累瓦婚姻。经济困难的威胁加强了这种做法,习俗、父权制和印度国家的力量也加强了这种做法。
Widow remarriage practices in the Punjab-Haryana region of northern India are described as frequently mismatched and undesirable alliances, without widow choice, which serve to support the practice of polygamy. The average spacing between arranged spouses could be 10 years, with the younger spouse being the brother-in-law (this customary practice of remarriage within the husbands' family is called "karewa"). Karewa could involve a minor aged 3 years or 13-14 years of age. Usually the village and family elders will support the practice of remarriage to a minor. The widow may be forced to stay with parents-in-law until the minor comes of age. Sometimes widows run away with older men or form a polygamous union. Remarriage in a polygamous union is socially acceptable because the first wife may have been barren or produced only daughters; the practice is desirable because it assures one more worker in the family. Karewa is desirable as a means to control a widow's sexuality and to control landed property and government pensions. Laws such as the Hindu Succession Act of 1956 act as an incentive to karewa by granting absolute right of inheritance to widows. The financial benefits to a family can be considerable. Pensions can be withdrawn if the widow remarries outside her deceased husband's family. The motivation for karewa can be fear and apprehension as well as greed. Marriage may be arranged within two weeks of a husband's funeral, instead of the customary year, out of fear that the widow may settle elsewhere. The War Widows Guild has recorded the exploitation and suffering of widows under this system. Widows who object to karewa have few options. In 1981, under 1% of rural widows in Haryana were of marriageable age (16-44 years) and unmarried. A widow with children has, with almost 100% certainty, a karewa marriage. The threat of economic hardship reinforces the practice as does the force of custom, patriarchy, and the state of India.