Of Vigilance and Virgins: Honor, Shame and Access to Resources
Of Vigilance and Virgins: Honor, Shame and Access to Resources
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警惕与处女：荣誉、耻辱和资源获取
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发表时间：
1971
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通讯作者：
Jane Schneider
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作者：
Jane Schneider
在地中海社会工作的人类学家很少讨论该地区的文化统一性。他们中的大多数人强调南北沿海之间、基督教和伊斯兰教之间、双边亲属关系和父系血统之间的鸿沟，尽管他们同时对欧洲学生和北非学生之间思想交流不充分表示遗憾。在欧洲主义者中，研究西方的人与东方人的交往很少，彼此之间的距离就如同拉丁教会与东正教之间的距离一样。当然，人们普遍认为地中海社会有很多共同的历史，但历史属于过去。当代社会或地区之间的相互联系似乎较少，而每个社会或地区本身都与外部世界的工业强国有着密切的联系。 Mediter 缺乏跨文化分析，但有一个例外吗？拉内安研究。它围绕相互依存的概念、荣誉和耻辱，以及管理家庭完整性和年轻女孩童贞的相关实践。这些文化密码来自地中海两岸，并且一直是双方学者参加的研讨会的主题（见 Peristany 1956a）。不幸的是，还没有系统地尝试探索这些准则的起源，或者将它们作为规则和行为模式的复合体与其他社会的类似规则和模式区分开来。大多数关于该主题的讨论都认为这些准则是理所当然的，并且主要集中在它们的执行方式上。这导致了过于规范的解释，以何种荣誉？梨依赖于面对面社区特有的奖励和制裁。同时不否认这种奖励和奖励的重要性？我认为他们很难解释这种现象，因为有许多面对面的社区，其中盛行着截然不同的价值观。更多的？此外，当人们争夺荣誉时，社区意识可能得不到发展。事实上，这是许多地中海民族志中反复出现的主题。坎贝尔山区的萨拉卡察尼人就是一个很好的例子，在该地区，相互敌对和盗窃的关系对于社区的定义来说似乎与同意和遵守一套特定规范一样重要。他写道（Campbell 1964：9），社区“作为一个群体没有凝聚力”，没有权威结构，因为
Anthropologists who work in Mediterranean societies rarely discuss the cultural unity of the area. Most of them stress the gulf between the Northern and Southern littorals, between Christianity and Islam, between bilateral kinship and patrilineal descent, even if at the same time they deplore the inadequate exchange of ideas between students of the European and students of the North African sectors. Among the Europeanists, those who study the West traffic little with those of the East, maintaining about the same distance from each other as the Latin Church does from Eastern Orthodoxy. Of course there is widespread agreement that Mediterranean societies shared a lot of history, but history belongs to the past. Contemporary societies, or regions, seem less involved with each other than each is involved, on its own, with the industrial powers of the outside world. There is one exception to the paucity of cross-cultural analysis in Mediter? ranean studies. It centers around the interdependent concepts, honor and shame, and around related practices governing family integrity and the virginity of young girls. These cultural codes are reported from both sides of the Mediterranean, and have been the subjects of symposia in which scholars of both sides have participated (see Peristany 1956a). Unfortunately, there has been no systematic attempt to explore the origin of these codes, or to distinguish them as a complex of rules and patterns of behavior from similar rules and patterns in other societies. Most discussions of the subject take the codes for granted, and concentrate mainly on the ways they are enforced. This leads to an overly normative interpretation, in which honor ap? pears to depend upon rewards and sanctions characteristic of face-to-face communities. While not denying the importance of such rewards and sanc? tions, I suggest that they can hardly explain the phenomenon, since there are many face-to-face communities in which quite different values prevail. More? over, where people compete for honor, a sense of community may be undeveloped. This, in fact, is a recurring theme in many Mediterranean ethnographies. A good example is CampbelPs mountain people, the Sarakatsani, where relationships of reciprocal hostility and theft seem as important to the definition of community as agreement about and conformity to a particular set of norms. The community, he writes (Campbell 1964:9), "has no cohesion as a group," no structure of authority, because of the