Following, Challenging, or Shaping: Can Third Countries Influence EU Energy Policy?
Following, Challenging, or Shaping: Can Third Countries Influence EU Energy Policy?
复制标题
追随、挑战或塑造：第三国能否影响欧盟能源政策？
DOI：
10.17645/pag.v7i1.1853
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发表时间：
2019
影响因子：
2.2
通讯作者：
P. Thaler
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Benjamin Hofmann;Torbjørg Jevnaker;P. Thaler
非欧盟成员国能影响欧盟的能源政策吗？第三国能源政策的欧洲化通常被描述为一个单向的过程，在这个过程中，这些国家基本上采用欧盟的能源收购。我们的文章通过探讨第三国是否以及如何影响欧盟能源政策的制定和实施来质疑这一主流观点。我们认为，第三国影响力的相对差异取决于它们对欧盟政策制定的相关场所和行动者的访问以及它们的结构性权力资源。我们发展了一个类型学，将这两个因素与第三国在欧盟能源治理中扮演的局外人、追随者、挑战者或塑造者角色联系起来。我们通过三个代表不同欧盟-第三国合作模式的案例来实证探讨我们的论点。我们的案例包括九个东南和东欧国家（能源共同体）、瑞士（双边安排）和挪威（欧洲经济区）。分析表明，准入和结构性权力共同决定了第三国能够影响欧盟能源政策制定并根据其国内需求定制其实施的程度。我们发现，能源共同体成员国是欧盟能源治理的追随者，而瑞士和挪威是塑造者。引人注目的是，这两个非欧盟成员国的影响力有时甚至会超过较小的欧盟成员国。这突出表明，第三国不仅下载了欧盟的能源法规，有时还成功地上传了自己的偏好。我们的贡献对英国脱欧后的欧盟-英国能源关系有影响，并证明了欧盟在更广泛地区的监管霸权。
Can non-EU member states influence the EU’s energy policy? The Europeanization of energy policy in third countries is often described as a one-directional process in which these countries essentially adopt the EU energy acquis. Our article questions this dominant view by exploring whether and how third countries can influence the formulation and implementation of EU energy policy. We argue that relative differences in third country influence depend on their access to relevant venues and actors of EU policy-making as well as their structural power resources. We develop a typology linking these two factors to the outsider, follower, challenger, or shaper roles that third countries assume in EU energy governance. We empirically probe our argument in three case studies representing different models of EU–third country cooperation. Our cases include a group of nine Southeast and East European countries (Energy Community), Switzerland (bilateral arrangements), and Norway (European Economic Area). The analysis shows that it is access and structural power which together define the extent to which third countries are able to influence the formulation of EU energy policy and customize its implementation to their domestic needs. We find that while the Energy Community members are followers in EU energy governance, Switzerland and Norway are shapers. Strikingly, the influence of these two non-EU members may occasionally even surpass that of smaller EU member states. This highlights that third countries are not merely downloading EU energy regulation but sometimes also succeed in uploading their own preferences. Our contribution has implications for the post-Brexit EU–UK energy relations and qualifies claims about EU regulatory hegemony in the wider region.