Income, Preferences, and the Dynamics of Policy Responsiveness
Income, Preferences, and the Dynamics of Policy Responsiveness
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收入、偏好和政策反应的动态
DOI：
10.1017/s104909650808102x
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发表时间：
2008
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
Christopher Ellis
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
J. Ura;Christopher Ellis
各种措施表明，在过去的三十年中，收入不平等在美国显著增长（APSA 2004； Brandolini和Smeeding 2006）。在最近的一系列研究中，学者们将这一趋势归因于国家政府未能代表普通公民的偏好，特别是不太富裕的公民（APSA 2004; Bartels 2004; 2006; Gilens 2005），他们参与政治的一致性较差，向政治候选人提供的资源也少于富裕的同行（Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995）。美国政治科学协会（APSA）的不平等与美国民主特别工作组总结了这一代表性失败假说：“参与的差异确保了普通美国人在低语时，最有利的人却在咆哮”（2004,2）。
A variety of measures indicate that income inequality has grown significantly in the United States during the last three decades (APSA 2004; Brandolini and Smeeding 2006). In a flurry of recent research, scholars have attributed this trend to the failure of the national government to represent the preferences of ordinary citizens in general and less wealthy citizens in particular (APSA 2004; Bartels 2004; 2006; Gilens 2005), who participate in politics less consistently and contribute fewer resources to political candidates than their wealthier peers (Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995). The American Political Science Association's (APSA) Task Force on Inequality and American Democracy summarizes this representative failure hypothesis: “disparities in participation ensure that ordinary Americans speak in a whisper while the most advantaged roar” (2004, 2).