Linguistic experience and infant speech perception: a re-examination of Eilers, Gavin & Oller (1982).
Linguistic experience and infant speech perception: a re-examination of Eilers, Gavin & Oller (1982).
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语言体验和婴儿言语感知：对加文·艾勒斯的重新审视
DOI：
10.1017/s0305000900005869
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发表时间：
1984
影响因子：
2.2
通讯作者：
Aslin,RN
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Jusczyk,PW;Shea,SL;Aslin,RN
对幼儿言语歧视的首次研究（如Eimas， Siqueland, Jusczyk & Vigorito 1971）重新点燃了人们对特定语言经验在言语感知发展中所起作用的长期兴趣。在随后几年对婴儿语言感知的研究中，调查集中在这些能力是“学习”还是“诱导”直接来自婴儿所经历的特定语言输入（见Aslin & Pisoni 1980）。一种假设是，婴儿可能会通过听自己的发声，然后将这些发声（以及其他说话者的发声）与一组发音手势联系起来，来学习辨别和分类母语中的音素（如Liberman， Harris, Kinney & Lane 1961）。同一组发音手势发出的声音在感知上是“等同的”，而不同手势发出的声音在感知上是“不同的”。这样，语音类别就会从知觉线索映射到发音类别。然而，随着婴儿语言感知研究的数据开始积累，很明显，婴儿在出生后不久就拥有了辨别许多（如果不是全部的话）语言对比的能力，而之前很少或根本没有接触过任何特定的语言输入（见Aslin， Pisoni & Jusczyk 1983， Jusczyk 1981的评论）。根据这些实证研究结果，对特定语言经验作用的强调有所转移。而不是专注于
The first studies of speech discrimination in young infants (eg Eimas, Siqueland, Jusczyk & Vigorito 1971) rekindled a longstanding interest in the role played by specific language experience in the development of speech perception. During the subsequent years of research on infant speech perception, investigations focused on whether these capacities were'learned'or'induced'directly from the specific language input experienced by the infant (see Aslin & Pisoni 1980). One hypothesis was that infants might learn to discriminate and categorize phonemes in their native language by listening to their own vocal productions and then relating these vocalizations (as well as the vocalizations of other speakers) to a set of articulatory gestures (eg Liberman, Harris, Kinney & Lane 1961). Sounds produced by the same set of articulatory gestures would become perceptually'equivalent', whereas sounds produced by different gestures would become perceptually'distinctive'. In this way, phonetic categories would emerge from the mapping of perceptual cues on to articulatory categories. However, as the data from studies of infant speech perception began to accumulate, it became apparent that infants already possessed the capacity to discriminate many, if not all, speech contrasts soon after birth with little or no prior exposure to any specific language input (see reviews by Aslin, Pisoni & Jusczyk 1983, Jusczyk 1981). In the light of these empirical findings, the emphasis with respect to the role of specific language experience shifted somewhat. Instead of focusing on