Talker familiarity and the accommodation of talker variability
Talker familiarity and the accommodation of talker variability
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DOI：
10.3758/s13414-020-02203-y
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发表时间：
2021-01-04
影响因子：
1.7
通讯作者：
Saltzman, David
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Magnuson, James S.;Nusbaum, Howard C.;Saltzman, David
言语感知中的一个基本问题是听者如何（或是否）适应说话者产生言语的方式的变化。听众科普这种变化的方式的一个观点是，说话者的差异被归一化-说话者特定的特征和语音类别之间的映射被计算，使得语音在说话者的声音特征的上下文中被识别。与这个观点相一致的是，当说话者随机变化时，听者处理语音的速度比说话者保持不变时要慢。另一种观点是，言语感知是基于记忆中的说话者特定的听觉样本，这些听觉样本聚集在允许说话者独立感知的语言类别周围。与这一观点相一致的是，在语音识别训练后，听者在特定于说话者的语音处理方面变得更有效率。我们问语音效率是否会增加与说话者熟悉测试听众非常熟悉的说话者（家庭成员），新熟悉的说话者（基于实验室训练），和不熟悉的说话者。我们还询问熟悉是否会减少规范化的必要性。正如所预测的那样，语音效率（噪音中的单词识别）随着熟悉程度（不熟悉<接受过训练<家庭）而增加。然而，我们观察到一个恒定的处理成本的谈话者的变化，即使对家庭成员。我们将讨论如何规范化和范例理论可能占这些结果，并限制语音恒常性的理论帐户的结果。
A fundamental problem in speech perception is how (or whether) listeners accommodate variability in the way talkers produce speech. One view of the way listeners cope with this variability is that talker differences are normalized - a mapping between talker-specific characteristics and phonetic categories is computed such that speech is recognized in the context of the talker's vocal characteristics. Consistent with this view, listeners process speech more slowly when the talker changes randomly than when the talker remains constant. An alternative view is that speech perception is based on talker-specific auditory exemplars in memory clustered around linguistic categories that allow talker-independent perception. Consistent with this view, listeners become more efficient at talker-specific phonetic processing after voice identification training. We asked whether phonetic efficiency would increase with talker familiarity by testing listeners with extremely familiar talkers (family members), newly familiar talkers (based on laboratory training), and unfamiliar talkers. We also asked whether familiarity would reduce the need for normalization. As predicted, phonetic efficiency (word recognition in noise) increased with familiarity (unfamiliar < trained-on < family). However, we observed a constant processing cost for talker changes even for pairs of family members. We discuss how normalization and exemplar theories might account for these results, and constraints the results impose on theoretical accounts of phonetic constancy.