Cut-pieces: celluloid obscenity and popular cinema in Bangladesh
Cut-pieces: celluloid obscenity and popular cinema in Bangladesh
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剪辑片段：赛璐珞淫秽与孟加拉国流行电影
DOI：
10.1080/23268743.2014.993571
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发表时间：
2015
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
D. Sreedhar
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
D. Sreedhar
Lotte Hoek的《片段：孟加拉的赛璐珞淫秽和流行电影》利用媒体人类学试图追踪“片段”的不同生活。“剪辑片”是“当地生产的未经认证的赛璐珞短片，其中含有性或暴力的图像，在孟加拉国动作电影的卷轴上突然出现和消失”（p. 39）。1)孟加拉国的电影制作人将其作为一种有利可图的选择，从被禁止的场面中获利。霍克专注于电影的“不稳定”本质，插入了剪接片段，以及它们在孟加拉国当代媒体景观中的影响。她追踪着这些片段，因为它们穿越了多个时空区域，绕过了审查规定，引发了对淫秽的指控，并扰乱了传统的电影制作模式。借用Eric Schaefer关于美国剥削电影的论点（Schaefer 1999）， Hoek提出南亚电影工业的案例，例如孟加拉国的电影，作为促进这种“剪辑”电影趋势的场所。她继续追踪电影制作和消费的循环，孟加拉国的剪辑电影，杀人犯敏图（导演）。Shahad Ali Shiplu, 2005，伪)。这个案例研究说明了孟加拉的切片现象是一种弗兰肯斯坦式的形式，是孟加拉电影工业为对抗来自全球媒体的新形式竞争而创造的。霍克认为，在很短的一段时间内，切割片开始发挥其催化剂的原始价值之外的作用，并带来了生产模式的转变。达卡的电影制片人开始避免投资高制作成本和大明星的电影，而开始专注于这些低成本的剪辑电影。作为一种提高影响力和逃避道德审查的策略，碎片在暂时的可用性和隐形性之间摇摆，在它们内部封装了许多矛盾的冲动。根据Hoek的说法，片段被认为是“孟加拉国政体解体的迹象”（例如在法律、家庭和政党政治等领域）和“电影制作传统的解体”（p. 396）。4)（从大量的动作电影中可以看出，这些电影利用碎片来获取利润）。然而，他们“对这种社会解体产生幻想，通过对性的过度关注，经常夹杂着暴力，将其作为一种令人兴奋的奇观或黑色景象”(p。4)。霍克强调了在这些电影的制作中纳入劳动力的相关性。这种关注使霍克能够审视劳动力的运作，因为他们即兴创作，创造性地参与电影的制作，发行和展览，使用非正统的方法来参与审查和道德制度。霍克利用陶西格的“公共秘密”概念来理解切片作为一种模仿和颠覆规范习俗的手段的地位（第28页）。她的方法与她的主题相辅相成，她试图与剪辑助理、演员、工作人员、代表和放映商建立联系，以了解电影制作背后的内幕故事，与这些人员谈判的方式与他们与审查人员和政府谈判的方式大致相同。在整本书中，霍克试图避免人们想当然地认为，孟加拉国的淫秽行为仅仅是伊斯兰道德的产物。另一方面，她很有说服力地论证了对美学和
Lotte Hoek’s Cut-Pieces: Celluloid Obscenity and Popular Cinema in Bangladesh draws on media anthropology in an attempt to trace the varied lives of ‘cut-pieces’. Cut-pieces are ‘short strips of locally made uncertified celluloid containing sexual or violent imagery that appeared and disappeared abruptly from the reels of Bangladeshi action films’(p. 1) used by the filmmakers in Bangladesh as a marketable option to cash in on forbidden spectacles. Hoek focuses on the ‘unstable’nature of films with the insertions of cut-pieces and their ramifications in the contemporary mediascape in Bangladesh. She tracks cut-pieces as they traverse multiple spatial and temporal zones, bypassing censorship regulations, triggering off charges of obscenity and tampering with conventional modes of film production. Borrowing from Eric Schaefer’s argument about exploitation cinema in the United States (Schaefer 1999), Hoek makes a case for South Asian film industries, such as the one in Bangladesh, as a site fostering this trend of ‘cut-piece’cinema. She goes on to track the cycle of film production and consumption of the Bangladeshi cut-piece film, Mintu the Murderer (dir. Shahad Ali Shiplu, 2005, pseud.). This case study illustrates how the cut-piece phenomenon in Bangladesh is a Frankensteinish form created by the Bangladesh film industry to counter new forms of competition from global media. Hoek suggests that in a short period of time the cut-pieces began to function beyond their original value as a catalyst and brought about a shift in production patterns. Film producers in Dhaka started avoiding investment in films with high production costs and big stars, and started to focus instead on these lowbudget cut-piece films. Oscillating between temporary availability and invisibility, as a ploy to heighten their impact and evade moral censors, cut-pieces encapsulate many contradictory impulses within themselves. According to Hoek, cut-pieces come across as an ‘indication of the disintegration of Bangladeshi polity’(in spheres such as the law, family and party politics, for instance) and the ‘disintegration of the film making traditions’(p. 4)(seen in the proliferation of action films that exploit cutpieces to reap profits). Yet they ‘produce fantasies about this social disintegration as a titillating spectacle or noir vision through an obsessive focus on sex, often laced with violence’(p. 4). Hoek foregrounds the relevance of incorporating the labour involved in the production of these films. This focus allows Hoek to examine the operations of the workforce as they improvise and creatively engage with the production, distribution and exhibition of the films, using unorthodox methods to engage the censorial and moral regimes.Hoek mobilizes Taussig’s notion of the ‘public secret’to understand the status of the cut-piece as a means of parodying and subverting normative mores (p. 28). Her methodology complements her subject-matter as she tries to forge contacts with the editing assistants, cast, crew, representatives and exhibitors to hear the inside stories behind the making of the films, negotiating with these personnel much in the same way as they negotiate with the censors and the government. Throughout the book, Hoek tries to stay clear of the often taken-for-granted assumptions of obscenity in Bangladesh solely as a product of the Islamic morality. On the other hand, she persuasively argues for the need for scholarship that interrogates the aesthetics and