Against Finite Raising (and Against Defective Tense): A Semantic Analysis of <i>-yooni naru</i> in Japanese
Against Finite Raising (and Against Defective Tense): A Semantic Analysis of <i>-yooni naru</i> in Japanese
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反对有限提升（和反对缺陷时态）：日语中<i>-yooni naru</i>的语义分析
DOI：
10.11435/gengo.160.0_249
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发表时间：
2021
期刊：
影响因子：
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通讯作者：
Koyo Akuzawa and Yusuke Kubota
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Yuriko YOKOE;Yuriko YOKOE;阿久澤 弘陽;高嶋由布子・富田望;Yusuke Kubota and Koyo Akuzawa;高嶋由布子;Koyo Akuzawa and Yusuke Kubota
状态动词那如的状态变化在带yooni标记的补语从句时表现得像提升动词。主语论元在这个构式中的句法地位在文献中一直存在争议。虽然一些作者(如Shibatani 1978)认为-yooni naru结构带有咒骂主语，但Uchibori(2000)和Fujii(2006)将其分析为他们所说的有限提升的情况，即嵌入的主语在句法上提升到矩阵从句。根据Uchibori和Fujii的说法，这种分析得到了这样一个事实的支持，即-yooni naru结构中的嵌入时态是有缺陷的，因为只有非过去时形式才能出现在补语从句中。在本文中，我们重新审视了-yooni naru结构的句法和语义特征，并指出有限提升分析无论是在经验上还是在概念上都缺乏有力的支持。从经验上看，NPI许可和间接被动分析等句法测试得出的结论是，非提升的替代分析方法更好。从概念上讲，时态语素在嵌入小句中的分布是其所谓的“缺陷”状态的关键证据(因此也是有限提升分析的关键证据)，它从-yooni naru的词汇语义属性中得到了独立的解释，即状态谓词的变化涉及习惯性(或同质性)意义成分。我们的结论与Akuzawa和Kubota(2020)以及Kubota和Akuzawa(2020)最近对日语“有限控制”的重新思考是一致的，因为仔细的语义分析简化了日语中带有显性时态标记的某些“类不定式”结构的句法特征。
The change of state verb naru behaves like a raising verb when it takes a yooni-marked complement clause. The syntactic status of the subject argument in this construction has been controversial in the literature. While some authors (eg Shibatani 1978) have argued that the-yooni naru construction takes an expletive subject, Uchibori (2000) and Fujii (2006) analyze it as a case of what they call ‘finite raising’, in which the embedded subject syntactically raises to the matrix clause. According to Uchibori and Fujii, such an analysis is supported by the fact that the embedded tense in the-yooni naru construction is ‘defective’, since only the nonpast tense form can appear in the complement clause. In this paper, we reconsider the syntactic and semantic properties of the-yooni naru construction, and show that the finite raising analysis lacks any strong support either empirically or conceptually. Empirically, syntactic tests such as NPI licensing and indirect passive point to the conclusion that an alternative, non-raising analysis is better. Conceptually, the distribution of the tense morpheme in the embedded clause, the key evidence for its alleged ‘defective’status (and hence for the finite raising analysis), receives independent explanation from the lexical semantic properties of-yooni naru as a change of state predicate involving a habitual (or homogeneous) meaning component. Our conclusion is in line with the recent reconsideration of ‘finite control’in Japanese by Akuzawa and Kubota (2020) and Kubota and Akuzawa (2020) in that a careful semantic analysis simplifies the syntactic properties of certain ‘infinitive-like’constructions in Japanese with overt tense marking.*