Event Realization and Default Aspect
Event Realization and Default Aspect
复制标题
事件实现和默认方面
DOI：
10.1023/b:ling.0000023371.15460.43
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发表时间：
2004
影响因子：
1.1
通讯作者：
Mary D. Swift
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
J. Bohnemeyer;Mary D. Swift
有些语言，如德语、因纽特语和俄语，它们的从句的方面指称取决于它们的事件谓词的目的性。我们认为，在这些语言中，子句或动词短语没有明显地标记为观点方面，暗示或限定了“事件实现”，这是一种类似于帕森斯（1990）的“高潮”的属性。与使用明显标记为方面的子句相关的方面指称是根据实现条件对性的依赖性计算的，符合希腊语用学的原则。我们将Krifka（1989,1992,1998）的事件格与Klein（1994）的时态和方面理论的模型理论解释相结合，将事件实现形式化，并捕获了基于此的方面参考的电性依赖模式。后者允许我们将方面操作符的“主题时间”视为事件实现的时间约束。
There are languages – e.g., German, Inuktitut, andRussian – in which the aspectual reference of clausesdepends on the telicity of their event predicates. Weargue that in such languages, clauses or verb phrasesnot overtly marked for viewpoint aspect implicateor entail ‘event realization’, a property akin toParsons's (1990) `culmination'. The aspectualreference associated with the use of clauses notovertly marked for aspect is computed in accordancewith the dependence of realization conditions ontelicity and in line with principles of Gricean pragmatics.We formalize event realization and capture thetelicity-dependent patterns of aspectual reference onwhich it is based by combining Krifka's (1989, 1992,1998) event lattices with a model-theoreticinterpretation of Klein's (1994) theory of tense andaspect. The latter permits us to treat the `topic times'of aspectual operators as temporal constraints on event realization.