Post Migration Changes in Iranian Immigrants’ Couple Relationships in Canada
Post Migration Changes in Iranian Immigrants’ Couple Relationships in Canada
复制标题
伊朗移民在加拿大的夫妻关系的移民后变化
DOI：
10.3138/jcfs.42.6.751
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发表时间：
2011
影响因子：
1.7
通讯作者：
M. Chinichian
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
K. R. Shirpak;E. Maticka;M. Chinichian
引言国际移民是一个重大的生活插曲，迫使重新定义的身份和自我。Vattimo（1992年）和Melucci（1989年）认为，移民挑战了一个人对现实的感觉，因为曾经是生活和关系的现实变成了几个现实中的一个。曾经如此熟悉的角色，其组成部分被认为是自然秩序的一部分，可能会受到在一个新国家建立自己所必须做出的调整的挑战。作为男人、女人、丈夫、妻子或父母的旧的、熟悉的角色和方式不再是唯一的方式，甚至可能不再是可能的或可取的。适应新国家的挑战程度因族裔-种族和宗教群体而异，并取决于具体的移徙经历（伯尔尼，1990年）。一些移民群体中抑郁、焦虑和家庭冲突的高发率被归因于适应压力、文化参照物的丧失、男性移民失业或就业不足以及角色紧张和这些对身份、自尊和心理健康造成的相关威胁（Darvishpour，2002年; Farver、Narang和Bhadha，2002年; Gill和马修斯，1995年; Hojat，Shapourian，Foroughi，Nayerahmadi，Farzane，Shafieyan，et al.，二○年; Moghissi和Goodman，1999年;对婚姻关系影响的核心是对性别、婚姻角色和身份的挑战，这是由于从坚持传统的、往往是基于宗教的关于性别和父权家庭制度的价值观和信仰的社会向性别角色、身份和家庭制度更为后现代的社会迁移，世俗的、平等的和流动的（Giddens，1992; Bauman 2000; 2003）。移民不仅被生活方式和家庭的例子所包围，这些例子挑战了他们对是非、好与坏、正当与不正当的信念，但他们所处的环境可能会迫使他们在自己的家庭和夫妻关系中做出调整，这在他们的祖国是不可接受的。对15名男性和15名女性从伊朗移民到加拿大的已婚或已婚移民进行了深入采访，喜欢的关系，以研究挑战性别婚姻角色和关系经历了移民到加拿大，以及如何移民的样本回应这些伊朗的性别、婚姻和家庭来自伊朗的移民来自一个拥有7000万人口的国家，其宪法是基于伊斯兰教法。如《宪法》（2008年《伊朗共和国宪法》）第1条第4款所述，政府的政策和行动以伊斯兰原则为指导。穆斯林占人口的98%，其余2%由基督徒，犹太人，琐罗亚斯德教和B阿利亚' i组成（CIA World Fact Book Iran，2010）。性别规范和行为守则的基础是父权制权力结构、性别隔离以及关于男女固有差异的信仰，这些都是在伊斯兰教进入伊朗之前就存在的，但现在又被伊斯兰教的信仰和教义所强化（Shirpak、Ardebili、Mohammad、MatickaTyndale、Chinichian、Ramenzankhani等人，2007年）。法律的限制公共跨性别交流、社交和着装以及将非婚性关系定为刑事犯罪是主要针对妇女的外部控制机制。它们基于这样一种信念，即性欲很容易被唤起，需要保护男子不受这种唤醒的影响，保护妇女不受男子的性挑逗（Keddie，1991年; Nashat和Tucker，1999年; Validi，2004年）。男女隔离从小学开始，并以某种形式持续到各级学校。海滩、游泳池和学校都有男女分开的区域（或时间）。法律禁止男女在公共场合交往，除非是与maharem（宗教和法律禁止与之结婚的异性，如父母和兄弟姐妹），即使在私下也不鼓励。…
INTRODUCTIONInternational immigration is a major life episode that forces a redefinition of identity and self. Vattimo (1992) and Melucci (1989) suggest that migration challenges one's veiy sense of reality, as what was once the reality of life and relationships becomes but one reality among several. Roles that were once so familiar that their components were assumed to be part of the natural order may be challenged by the accommodations that must be made in establishing oneself in a new countiy. The old, familiar roles and ways of being a man, woman, husband, wife or parent are no longer the only ways and may not even be possible or desirable any longer. The degree of challenge in adapting to a new countiy varies across ethno-racial and religious groups and is based on particular migratory experiences (Bern, 1 990) . High rates of depression, anxiety and family conflict documented in some immigrant groups have been credited to the stresses of adaptation, loss of cultural referents, un- or underemployment of male immigrants and the role strain and associated threats that these pose to identity, self esteem, and psychological well-being (Darvishpour, 2002; Farver, Narang, and Bhadha, 2002; Gill and Matthews, 1995; Hojat, Shapourian, Foroughi, Nayerahmadi, Farzane, Shafieyan, et al., 2000; Hum and Simpson, 2004; Moghissi and Goodman, 1999; Zhou and Xiong, 2005).At the core of the impact on marital relationships are the challenges to gender and marital roles and identity posed by migration from societies that hold to traditional, often religiouslybased, values and beliefs about gender and patriarchal family systems to societies where gender roles, identities and family systems are more post-modern, secular, egalitarian and fluid (Giddens, 1992; Bauman2000; 2003). Not only are immigrants surrounded by examples of lifestyles and families that challenge their beliefs about right and wrong, good and bad, proper and improper, but the circumstances in which they find themselves may force them to make adjustments in their own family and couple relationships that would be unacceptable in their home country.This paper uses in-depth interviews with 15 male and 15 female immigrants to Canada from Iran who are in marriage or marriage-like relationships to examine the challenges to gendered marital roles and relationships experienced with immigration to Canada and how this sample of immigrants responded to these challenges.BACKGROUNDGender, Marriage and Family in IranImmigrants from Iran come from a countiy of 70 million, whose constitution is based on Shari'a or Islamic Law. As noted in section 1 , article 4 of the Constitution (Constitution of the Republic of Iran, 2008), government policies and actions are guided by Islamic principles. Muslims comprise 98% of the population, with the remaining 2% comprised of Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians, and B alia' i (CIA World Fact Book Iran, 2010). Gender norms and codes of behavior are grounded in a patriarchal power structure, gender segregation, and beliefs about the inherent difference of males and females that predate the arrival of Islam in Iran, but are now reinforced by Islamic beliefs and teachings (Shirpak, Ardebili, Mohammad, MatickaTyndale, Chinichian, Ramenzankhani, et al., 2007). Legal restrictions on public cross-gender communication, socializing and dress and the criminalization of nonmarital sexual relations are external mechanisms of control enforced primarily against women. They are grounded in beliefs about the ease with which sexual desire is aroused and the need to protect men against such arousal and women against the sexual overtures of men (Keddie, 1 99 1 ; Nashat and Tucker, 1999; Validi, 2004). Segregation of the sexes begins with entiy into primary school and continues, in some form, through all levels of schooling. Beaches, swimming pools, and schools have separate areas (or times) designated for men and women. Malefemale interaction is legally prohibited in public except with maharem (people of the opposite sex with whom marriage is religiously and legally forbidden such as parents and siblings) and discouraged, even in private. …