Debtor Nation: The History of America in Red Ink

Debtor Nation: The History of America in Red Ink
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债务国:赤字的美国历史

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发表时间:
2012
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通讯作者:
D. Marron
D. Marron
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作者:
D. Marron

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政治权威。为了说明战后消费者观念中的性别差异,多伊奇勾勒了战后男性自己动手的五金店购物经历。五金店购物保持了高水平的个人服务和建议,这丝毫没有削弱男性消费者的权威。在战前的规模和规模模式中,战后的超市增加了库存的多样性,同时扩大了自助服务的新传统,包括预先包装的肉类。广告宣传活动将妇女的劳动力从购物等式中抹去。空调、手推车和时尚的设计承诺奢华,商店将购物描述为一种乐趣。对政府来说,超级市场填补了向冷战世界推销美国财富和机会的新功能。妇女购买新的加工产品,以及易于获得、准备和服务这些产品,成为这一愿景的一部分。追溯超市对美国杂货消费的征服,多伊奇随后瞄准了它的性别含义。尽管有20世纪60年代的抵制(称为ladycotts)和专门为满足女性消费者的需求而设计的计费超市,并提供“女性想要的东西”,但制造一个非政治性的消费者隐藏了不断上升的公司权力,政府政策以及美国食品分配系统政治经济特征的不平等。多伊奇把葡萄抵制背后的故事留给了另一位学者--加州的女性农场工人和农场工人的妻子说服了消费者,大概是女性,用她们的购物来改变社会。多伊奇对非洲裔美国消费者的关注是敏感和包容的,他勾勒出了这些社区面临的微妙挑战链。黑人可能会抗议连锁店和独立店,发起“不要在你不能工作的地方购物”的运动,但他们也希望去个性化和平等主义的购物体验能改善黑人顾客的生活条件。多伊奇强调了当前食品杂货分销的政治--有力地强调了食物沙漠和地方主义,购买和消费100英里半径内生产的食物以促进可持续发展的做法,以及这些在一个巧妙地连接过去和现在的结论中揭示的阶级不平等。家庭主妇的天堂有助于解释为什么,虽然一些美国人科普保持它真实的在全食超市停车场,很多是遥不可及的。
political authority. To drive home the gendered difference in conceptions of consumers in the post-war period, Deutsch sketches the hardware store shopping experience of the post-war male do-ityourselfer. Hardware store shopping maintained a high level of personal service and advicegiving that in no way undermined the authority of the male consumer. To the pre-war pattern of size and scale, post-war supermarkets added diversity of stock while expanding the nowestablished tradition of self-service to include pre-wrapped meat. Advertising campaigns erased women’s labour from the shopping equation. Air conditioning, carts and sleek design promised luxury, and stores described shopping as pleasure. For the government, supermarkets filled the new function of promoting American affluence and opportunity to the Cold War world. Women’s purchase of new processed items and the ease of acquiring, preparing and serving them became a part of that vision. Tracing the conquest of American grocery consumption by the supermarket, Deutsch then targets its gendered meanings. Crafting an apolitical consumer, despite evidence such as 1960s boycotts (called, tellingly, ladycotts), and billing supermarkets as designed specifically to meet the needs of female consumers and provide ‘what women want’, hid the scaffolding of rising corporate power, government policy, and inequalities of access and distribution that characterize the political economy of the American food distribution system. Deutsch leaves to another scholar the story behind the grape boycott – wherein California women farmworkers and farmworkers’ wives prevailed upon consumers, presumably female, to use their shopping to make social change. Sensitive and inclusive of the concerns of African-American consumers, Deutsch sketches the nuanced challenges chains meant for these communities. Blacks might protest against both chains and independents with ‘don’t shop where you can’t work’ campaigns, but they also hoped that a depersonalized and egalitarian shopping experience would improve conditions for black customers. Deutsch highlights the current politics of grocery distribution – provocatively highlighting food deserts and locavorism, the practice of purchasing and consuming food produced within a 100 mile radius to foster sustainability, and the class inequalities these reveal in a conclusion that masterfully connects past and present. Housewife’s Paradise helps explain why, while some Americans cope with keepin’ it real in the Whole Foods parking lot, that lot is out of reach for most.