Islamophobia, community cohesion and counter-terrorism policies in Britain
Islamophobia, community cohesion and counter-terrorism policies in Britain
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英国的伊斯兰恐惧症、社区凝聚力和反恐政策
DOI：
10.1080/0031322x.2013.797779
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发表时间：
2013
影响因子：
1.5
通讯作者：
C. Husband
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Yunis Alam;C. Husband
Alam和Husband探讨了中央政府的两项政策在概念和表达上是如何促进英国伊斯兰恐惧症的增长的。针对2001年英国北部城市的骚乱，社区凝聚力政策得到了发展，而2005年英国本土爆炸事件后出现的反恐政策则针对英国的穆斯林人口。公共领域为使这些政策合法化而使用的修辞，在21世纪英国的背景下，使伊斯兰身份变得突出和异常。穆斯林作为替罪羊，本质上是英国社会的一个外来楔子，对进入“英国生活方式”有着深刻的抵制，这与他们在英国城市的人口位置的解释有关，以便将他们呈现为“自我隔离”和“平行生活”。“本土炸弹客”的出现导致国家对恐怖袭击保持一种风险意识，这种意识助长了现有的城市生活证券化，巩固了一种由本质上永久的危机状态感所定义的政策环境。这些特殊情况使得以前神圣不可侵犯的人权和自由原则得以暂停。支持本文的经验证据强化了这样一种观点，即这些政策在实践中是相互矛盾的，通过监控逻辑渗透社会凝聚力的举措导致了英国大部分穆斯林人口与国家代理人之间信任的破裂。
ABSTRACT Alam and Husband explore the ways in which two policies of central government, in both conception and expression, have operated in such a way as to promote the growth of Islamophobia in Britain. Policies of community cohesion developed in response to the riots in northern British cities in 2001, while the counter-terrorist polices that emerged following the bombings on mainland Britain in 2005 were targeted at Britain's Muslim populations. The rhetoric employed in the public sphere to legitimate these policies had the effect of making Islamic identity salient, and aberrant, in the context of twenty-first-century Britain. The scapegoating of Muslims, as essentially an alien wedge in British society with a deep resistance to entering into ‘the British way of life’, was attached to an interpretation of their demographic location in British cities so as to present them as both ‘self-segregating’ and ‘living parallel lives’. The emergence of ‘home-grown bombers’ resulted in the state maintaining a sense of risk to terrorist assault that fed off and into the existing securitization of urban life, consolidating a policy environment defined by the sense of an essentially permanent state of crisis. These exceptional circumstances permitted a suspension of previously sacrosanct principles of human rights and freedoms. The empirical evidence underpinning this paper reinforces the notion that these policies were mutually contradictory in practice, and that the penetration of social cohesion initiatives by the logics of surveillance resulted in a breakdown of trust between large sections of the British Muslim population and the agents of the state.