Predicting form and meaning: Evidence from brain potentials
Predicting form and meaning: Evidence from brain potentials
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DOI：
10.1016/j.jml.2015.10.007
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发表时间：
2016-01-01
影响因子：
4.3
通讯作者：
Nieuwland, Mante S.
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Ito, Aine;Corley, Martin;Nieuwland, Mante S.
我们使用ERP来研究语言理解中形式和意义的前活化。参与者阅读高温句子上下文（例如，“学生将要去图书馆借A ...”），然后是一个可预测的单词（书），与形式相关的（钩）或语义相关（页面）可预测的单词或无关（沙发）。在500毫秒的SOA（实验1）中，语义相关的单词，但与形式相关的单词不相关，与无关单词相比会引起N400的减少。在700毫秒的SOA（实验2）中，语义相关的单词和与形式相关的单词引起了降低的N400效果，但是与形式相关的单词的效果仅在非常高的句子中发生。在两个SOA上，与形式相关的单词都引起了增强的N400后阳性（晚期成分效应）。 11400效果表明，读者可以预先激活的含义并形成高度可预测的单词的信息，但是形成前激活比含义前激活更有限。 N400后LPC效应表明，参与者检测到预期和遇到的输入之间的相似性。单词形式的前激活至关重要地取决于读者必须对基于生产的语言预测的说法进行预测的时间。 （c）2015 Elsevier Inc.保留所有权利。
We used ERPs to investigate the pre-activation of form and meaning in language comprehension. Participants read high-doze sentence contexts (e.g., "The student is going to the library to borrow a..."), followed by a word that was predictable (book), form-related (hook) or semantically related (page) to the predictable word, or unrelated (sofa). At a 500 ms SOA (Experiment 1), semantically related words, but not form-related words, elicited a reduced N400 compared to unrelated words. At a 700 ms SOA (Experiment 2), semantically related words and form-related words elicited reduced N400 effects, but the effect for form-related words occurred in very high-doze sentences only. At both SOAs, form-related words elicited an enhanced, post-N400 posterior positivity (Late Positive Component effect). The 11400 effects suggest that readers can pre-activate meaning and form information for highly predictable words, but form pre-activation is more limited than meaning pre-activation. The post-N400 LPC effect suggests that participants detected the form similarity between expected and encountered input. Pre-activation of word forms crucially depends upon the time that readers have to make predictions, in line with production-based accounts of linguistic prediction. (C) 2015 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.