Market Earnings and Household Work: New Tests of Gender Performance Theory
Market Earnings and Household Work: New Tests of Gender Performance Theory
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市场收入和家务工作：性别绩效理论的新检验
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发表时间：
2011
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通讯作者：
Daniel Schneider
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作者：
Daniel Schneider
我研究了有争议的发现，男性和女性通过家务劳动参与性别表现。先前的研究发现，收入份额和家务劳动之间存在曲线关系，这被解释为性别表现的证据。我通过进行第一次这样的分析来重新审视这些发现，以使用当代美国样本的高质量时间日记数据。根据美国时间使用调查（2003-2007年）中11,868名已婚女性和10,770名已婚男性的数据，我没有发现已婚男性通过家务“做性别”的证据。然而，我确实发现了女性性别表现的有力证据，这可以从收入份额和女性家务劳动时间之间的曲线关系中得到证明。关键词：家庭和工作，性别，家务劳动/分工。先前的研究已经导致学者们几乎一致认为，已婚男性和女性在市场上的收入会影响他们在家里做家务的数量。尽管如此，关于收入如何影响家务劳动时间，仍然存在很大的模糊性和争论（Bittman，England，Folbre，Sayer，& Matheson，2003; Evertsson & Nermo，2004; Gupta，2007）。家务谈判理论认为，收入份额应与家务劳动时间呈负相关，因为可以预期收入较高的配偶会利用其上级收入的地位来谈判减轻家务劳动负担（Lundberg & Pollak，1996年）。虽然一些研究证实了这一预测的夫妇，其中丈夫赚取的大部分夫妇的收入（Brines，1994年; Greenstein，2000年），学者们发现了一个令人惊讶的关系，收入份额和家务劳动的夫妇，其中妻子赚取一半以上的夫妇的收入。这些夫妇中的妇女实际上似乎比收入与丈夫大致相等的其他类似妇女做更多的家务，而这些夫妇中的男子似乎比收入大致相等的夫妇中的其他类似男子做更少的家务（Brines; Bittman等人; Greenstein）。然后，文献记录了一个意想不到的曲线之间的关系，收入份额和家务劳动时间。学者们通过性别表现理论的棱镜来解释这种关系，认为家务劳动可以作为男性和女性实现性别和创造社会意义的一种方式（Coltrane，2000;谢尔顿和约翰，1996;韦斯特和齐默尔曼，1987）。这种类型的性别表现在性别偏差的背景下可能特别重要，例如当夫妇不遵守男性养家糊口的规范时，家务劳动被用来中和偏差并重建性别（Bittman等人，2003; Greenstein，2000）。虽然家务劳动文献中的一些发现似乎为性别绩效理论提供了支持，但更广泛的经验记录却更加模糊。一组研究结果表明，当男性收入低于妻子时，他们实际上可能会通过减少家务劳动时间来“做性别”（Brines，1994年; Greenstein，2000年）。但这一支持性别表现理论的证据受到了学者的挑战，他们发现这些结果主要是由离群值驱动的--已婚夫妇中收入最低的男性（Bittman等人，2003; Gupta，1999 b）。其他研究提供了一些证据表明，虽然男性可能不会做性别，但女性可能会通过家务劳动参与性别表现（Bittman等人; Evertsson & Nermo，2004）。这一发现也受到了挑战，在这种情况下，最近的工作借鉴自主理论，表明妇女的绝对收入水平，而不是她们的收入份额，可能会预测她们花在家务上的时间（Achen和Gough，2009年; Gupta，2006年，2007年）。文献中的这种不确定性在我们对家务劳动的理解中造成了巨大的差距。在本文中，我提供了新的证据，以帮助解决实证辩论。我利用美国时间使用调查（American Time Use Survey，简称TIME）在2003年至2007年期间收集的时间日记数据，评估了男性和女性的家务劳动时间与收入之间的关系。…
I examine the contested finding that men and women engage in gender performance through housework. Prior scholarship has found a curvilinear association between earnings share and housework that has been interpreted as evidence of gender performance. I reexamine these findings by conducting the first such analysis to use high-quality time diary data for a U.S. sample in the contemporary period. Drawing on data on 11,868 married women and 10,770 married men in the American Time Use Survey (2003-2007), I find no evidence that married men "'do gender" through housework. I do, however, find strong evidence of gender performance among women as evidenced by a curvilinear association between earnings share and women's housework time. Key Words: family and work, gender, housework/division of labor. Prior research has led to near unanimity among scholars that what married men and women earn in the market affects the amount of housework they do at home. Nevertheless, there is substantial ambiguity and debate about just how earnings affect housework time (Bittman, England, Folbre, Sayer, & Matheson, 2003; Evertsson & Nermo, 2004; Gupta, 2007). Household bargaining theory posits that earnings share should be negatively related to housework time, as the higher earning spouse can be expected to use his or her position of superior earnings to negotiate a smaller housework burden (Lundberg & Pollak, 1996). Though some research bears out this prediction in couples in which the husband earns the majority of couple earnings (Brines, 1994; Greenstein, 2000), scholars have detected a surprising relationship between earnings share and housework in couples in which the wife earns more than half of couple earnings. Women in these couples actually appear to do more housework than otherwise similar women who have earnings that are roughly equal to their husbands', and men in these couples appear to do less housework than otherwise similar men in couples with approximately equal earnings (Brines; Bittman et al; Greenstein). The literature then documents an unexpected curvilinear relationship between earnings share and housework time. Scholars have interpreted this relationship through the prism of gender performance theory, arguing that housework can serve as a way in which men and women enact gender and create social meaning (Coltrane, 2000; Shelton & John, 1996; West & Zimmerman, 1987). This type of gender performance may be particularly important in the context of gender deviance, such as when couples do not adhere to the malebreadwinner norm, with housework being used to neutralize deviance and reconstruct gender (Bittman et al., 2003; Greenstein, 2000). Though a number of findings in the housework literature seem to provide support for gender performance theory, the broader empirical record is substantially more ambiguous. One set of findings suggests that men may in fact "do gender" by reducing housework time when they earn less than their wives (Brines, 1994; Greenstein, 2000). But this evidence in support of gender performance theory has been challenged by scholars who found that these results are driven primarily by outliers - the lowest earning men in married couples (Bittman et al., 2003; Gupta, 1999b). Other research provides some evidence that, although men may not be doing gender, women may be engaging in gender performance through housework (Bittman et al.; Evertsson & Nermo, 2004). This finding has also been challenged, in this case by recent work that draws on autonomy theory to suggest that women's absolute levels of earnings, not their share of earnings, may predict the amount of time they spend on housework (Achen & Gough, 2009; Gupta, 2006, 2007). This uncertainty in the literature has created a substantial gap in our understanding of housework. In this paper I provide new evidence to help resolve the empirical debate. Drawing on time diary data collected between 2003 and 2007 by the American Time Use Survey (ATUS), I assessed the relationship between men's and women's housework time and their earnings. …