Clause-final negative markers in Bobo and Samogo: Parallel evolution and contact
Clause-final negative markers in Bobo and Samogo: Parallel evolution and contact
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Bobo 和 Samogo 中的子句最终否定标记：平行演化和接触
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发表时间：
2015
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通讯作者：
Dmitry Idiatov
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作者：
Dmitry Idiatov
与撒哈拉以南非洲北部的许多其他语言一样，几乎所有的波波语和萨莫果语(两个远亲的曼德族)都突出地表现出小句尾否定标记(CFNM)，这是一种跨语言的罕见特征。与世界其他地区的否定词不同，该地区的否定词在历时上相当不稳定，而且相对容易借用，类似于话语标记语、焦点助词和阶段副词，它们也恰好有共同的形态特征和历史发展路径。本文首先全面概述了在这些语言中使用CFNM的现有数据。在这些数据的基础上，我提出了这些语言的默认CFNM的历史。特别是，我认为Jo，Seed，可能Kpeen(都是Samogo)的缺省CFNM可以追溯到短语状语*ke‘(尚未)；stant’，而Bobo和Dzuun，ban和Kpaan的缺省CFNm最终可以追溯到短语状语*kuda(C)a‘(NOT)’。然而，Dzuun、Kpaan和Bann的缺省CFNM只是Bobo CFNM横向迁移的间接反射，这扩大了这些语言中已经丰富的语义更具体的CFNm系统。
As many other languages of northern sub-Saharan Africa, almost all Bobo and Samogo languages (two distantly related Mande groups) exhibit prominently clause-final negative markers (CFNMs), a cross-linguistically uncommon property. Unlike negators in other parts of the world, CFNMs in the area prove to be rather unstable diachronically and relatively easy to borrow, similar to discourse markers, focus particles and phasal adverbs, with which they also happen to share peculiarities of morphosyntax and paths of historical development. This article first provides an exhaustive overview of the data available on the use of CFNMs in these languages. Building on these data, I advance an account of the history of the default CFNMs in these languages. In particular, I argue that the default CFNMs of Jo, Seen and probably Kpeen (all Samogo) go back to the phasal adverbial *ke ‘(not) yet; still’, whereas the default CFNMs of Bobo and Dzuun, Ban and Kpaan ultimately go back to a phasal adverbial *kUDa(C)a ‘(not) again’. However, the default CFNMs of Dzuun, Kpaan and Ban turn out to be only indirect reflexes resulting from a lateral transfer of the Bobo CFNM, which expanded an already rich system of semantically more specific CFNMs in these languages.