‘The decisive volley’: The battle of Ismailia and the decline of British influence in Egypt, January‐July, 1952
‘The decisive volley’: The battle of Ismailia and the decline of British influence in Egypt, January‐July, 1952
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“决定性的截击”：伊斯梅利亚战役和英国在埃及影响力的衰落，1952 年 1 月至 7 月
DOI：
10.1080/03086539108582828
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发表时间：
1991
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
Mike Mason
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Mike Mason
英国运河区基地的兴起和衰落延续了1936年至1954年。它花了三年半的时间建造，耗资近3亿英镑。1936年签署的《英埃条约》保证英国有权在那里保留10，000名士兵和400名飞行员。[1]到第二次世界大战结束时，特别是从印度撤军后，该基地被视为英国在中东和东非的整个权力架构的基石，也是“英国战略政策的三大支柱之一”。[2]从这个基地开始，它与下属基地的联系呈辐射状，这些基地从马耳他向南延伸到昔兰尼加，再向南延伸到肯尼亚，然后通过亚丁回到约旦、伊拉克和塞浦路斯。这一弧形地带的基础在很大程度上是在遥远的殖民地时代通过一系列不平等条约得到保障的。整个条约和基地体系虽然后来以冷战意识形态为依据进行辩护，但却建立在殖民主义的基础上，在战后阿拉伯民族主义盛行的年代里，在主权国家埃及的领土上建立外国基地必然会引起不满。同样重要的是，基地守卫的运河是由一家外国公司经营的。民族主义的穆斯林兄弟会在运河地区最大的城镇伊斯梅利亚（Ismailiyya）成立并非巧合。当然，无论是基地还是运河，都没有像开罗和亚历山大那样引起当地人的关注，也没有像开罗那样激起民众的怨恨。在开罗的英国社区在第二次世界大战期间经历了最辉煌的时刻，但在战争结束后，它仍然占据了城市中心的指挥地位。正如在富裕的欧洲住宅飞地，酒店，如Shepheards，咖啡馆，夜总会和百货公司，“现代”和“西方”在很大程度上意味着“英国”。“英国人”在开罗或运河城镇不仅仅意味着“英语”;它意味着希腊人、塞浦路斯人、马耳他人和其他人的世界性和多语种社区，他们的财富是他们优越性的主要象征。尽管英国在运河区的基地有明显的劣势，但对替代方案的定期调查显示，塞浦路斯的昔兰尼加，
The rise and decline of the British Canal Zone base stretched over the period from 1936 to 1954. It had taken three and a half years to build and had cost nearly£ 300m. The Anglo-Egyptian Treaty signed in 1936 had guaranteed the British the right to keep 10,000 troops and 400 pilots there. 1 By the end of the Second World War, and especially after the withdrawal from India, the base was seen as the keystone of the entire arch of British power in the Middle East and East Africa and'one of the three cardinal pillars of British strategic policy'. 2 From the base radiated links with subordinate bases which spanned a wide arc from Malta south to Cyrenaica and even further south to Kenya and then back through Aden to Jordan, Iraq and Cyprus. The bases in this arc had been, for the most part, secured in the remoter colonial past by a series of unequal treaties. The entire apparatus of treaties and bases, although latterly justified on the basis of Cold War ideology, thus stood on colonial footings.The existence of a foreign base on the territory of sovereign Egypt was, in the post-war years of Arab nationalism, bound to be resented. Hardly less so was the fact that the canal which the base guarded was run by a foreign company. It was no coincidence that the nationalist Muslim Brotherhood was founded in Ismailia (Ismailiyya), the largest town in the region of the canal. Of course neither base nor canal commanded the same local attention or stirred up as much popular resentment as the large foreign enclaves of Cairo and, to a lesser extent, Alexandria. The British community in Cairo had seen its finest hour during the Second World War but after the war it still occupied a commanding position in the centre of the city. As was evidenced in the wealthy European residential enclaves, the hotels such as Shepheards, the cafes, night clubs and department stores,'modern'and'Western'largely meant'British'.'British'in Cairo or in the Canal towns did not merely mean'English'; it signified the cosmopolitan and polyglot community of Greeks, Cypriots, Maltese and others whose wealth was the main symbol of their superiority. Despite the evident disadvantages of the British base in the Canal Zone, regular surveys of alternatives showed that Cyrenaica, Cyprus,