Not so big jobs and retirements: What workers (and retirees) really want
Not so big jobs and retirements: What workers (and retirees) really want
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不太重要的工作和退休：工人（和退休人员）真正想要什么
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发表时间：
2007
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影响因子：
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通讯作者：
P. Moen
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作者：
P. Moen
根据一些研究，大多数工人希望减少工作时间，大多数退休人员，至少是50多岁、60多岁和70多岁的退休人员，希望有一份工作，但不是全职工作（例如，Clarkberg和Moen，2001年; Jacobs和Gerson，2004年; Pitt-Catsouphes和Smyer，2006年）。但是，实际工作时间和工作时间偏好之间的差距对老年工人来说是最小的（Galinsky等人，2005年）。这是否意味着年龄较大的工人对他们的工作时间最满意？经济学家解释了人们为什么要做出选择，而社会学家认为人们没有选择--或者至少选择很少。介于两者之间的是什么我temi“战略选择”，因为人们寻求更好的生活过程之间的配合他们的愿望和需求，（>n一方面，和资源和选项提供给他们的另一方面（摩恩和Chermack，2005;摩恩和斯宾塞，2006）.五六十岁的工人想要减少工作时间，通常只有两种选择：继续做全职工作，通常每周工作50到60小时，或者过上全职的退休生活。在康奈尔大学退休和幸福研究（Moen et al.，例如，我们发现，与对工作时间感到满意的老年工人相比，希望工作更少时间的老年工人更容易选择退出，在未来两年内退休。那些找不到适合自己喜好或需要的工作的退休人员更容易被排除在劳动力之外。结果呢？战略选择的过程意味着，对长期工作不满意的年长员工只是通过退休来用脚投票，而在劳动力调查中找不到这种情况。然而，这并不一定是他们的偏好--他们根本找不到他们认为好的工作，而他们想要和需要的是灵活性和工作时间。老年工人和退休人员以及社会服务组织、政府决策者和公司面临的一个核心问题正是公认的工作和退休时间表之间的不匹配（例如，Kohli，1986年），以及雇员和退休人员的偏好和需求。美国人继承了基于世纪中期劳动力、工作和退休前景的僵化的、固有的时间框架和顺序。这种无形的时间结构已经非常过时了。很容易看到一个物理结构的过时-例如建筑物。但是，在我所说的时间结构中也有过时的现象，这是一种社会现实，它可能是无形的，但却影响着美国人花在各种活动上的时间，以及他们在何时何地从事这些活动。我把这种架构设想为“笼子”，每天、每周和每年都由制度化的时钟组成，最普遍的是那些有报酬的工作。时间的架构还代表了某种“车队”或隧道：一种制度化的编年史，在生命历程中改变年龄，限制不同年龄和生命阶段的就业、退休、服务、家庭护理和休闲选择。这些实体可以从它们的影响中看出--例如，美国人在工作日早晚高峰时段制造交通拥堵的模式化方式，或者大多数40岁的人都在工作，而大多数70岁的人都退休了。一个尺寸适合所有：大工作和大职业道路在我成长的过程中，在我们购买（二手）汽车的罕见场合，我会游说一些华而不实的东西。我父亲总是引用亨利福特的话：“你可以拥有你想要的任何颜色，只要它是黑色的。“今天，人们可以选择各种颜色和款式，但直到最近，引擎盖下的东西几乎是标准化的，无论制造或型号。购买私人交通工具的美国人可以拥有任何他们想要的车辆，只要它是以石油为燃料的。而且最好是大的，大到许多甚至不再被称为汽车，而是“运动型多功能车”。…
Most workers would like to put in fewer hours on the job, and most retirees, at least those in their 50s, 60s, and 70s, would like to have a job, but not work full time, according to a number of studies (e.g., Clarkberg and Moen, 2001; Jacobs and Gerson, 2004; Pitt-Catsouphes and Smyer, 2006). But the gap between actual hours worked and work-hour preferences is smallest lor older workers (Galinsky et al., 2005). Docs this mean that older workers are the most satisfied with their work hours? Economists explain why people make choices, and sociologists contend that people have no choices to make - or at least very' few. Somewhere in between are what I temi "strategic selections" as people seek a better life-course fit between their wants and needs, (>n the one hand, and the resources and options available to them on the other (Moen and Chermack, 2005; Moen and Spencer, 2006). Workers in their 50s and 60s who would like to put in fewer hours typically seebut two options: remain in their full-time, often fifty-to-sixty-hour-a-week jobs, or else cross over into die full-time leisure of retirement. In the Cornell Retirement and Well-Being Study (Moen et al., 2000), for example, we found diat, compared to older workers who are satisfied with their job hours, older workers who wanted to work fewer hours are more apt to opt out, retiring within the next two years. Retirees who cannot find jobs fitting their preferences or needs are more apt to remain out of die workforce. The result? Processes of strategic selection mean that older workers who are dissatisfied with their longhour jobs are simply voting with their feet by retiring- and dius are not to be found in workforce surveys. And yet that is not necessarily dieir preference- diey simply cannot find what diey would term good jobs widi the flexibility and working hours diey want and need. A central issue confronting older workers and retirees, as well as social service organizations, government policy makers, and corporations, is precisely diis mismatch between the accepted chronology of jobs and retirement (e.g., Kohli, 1986) and die preferences and needs of employees and retirees. Americans have inherited inflexible, built-in time frames and sequences that are based on the workforce, jobs, and retirement prospects of the mid-twentieth century. This invisible architecture of time is very much out of date. It is easy to see the obsolescence of a physical structure- a building, for example. But there is also obsolescence in what I call the architec- ture of time, a social reality that may be invisible but nevertheless affects die amount of time Americans spend on various activities as well as where and when they engage in them. I envision this architecftire as "cages," with each day, week, and year consisting of institutionalized time clocks, the most pervasive being those of paid work. The architecture of time also represents something of a "convoy" or tunnel: an institutionalized chronology that shifts widi age over the life course, constraining employment, retirement, service, family caregiving, and leisure options at different ages and life stages. These entities can be seen in their effects- the patterned ways Americans create rush-hour traffic jams on weekday mornings and evenings, for example, or the fact that most 40-year-olds are in the workforce while most 70-year-olds are retired. ONE SIZE FITS ALL: BIG JOBS AND BIG CAREER PATHS While I was growing up, on the rare occasions when we would be shopping for a (used) car, I would lobby for something flashy. My father would always quote Henry Ford: "You can have any color you want, so long as it is black." Today one can choose all kinds of colors and styles, but until recendy what was under the hood was pretty much standardized, regardless of make or model. Americans shopping for private transportation could have any vehicle they wanted, so long as it was fueled by oil. And preferably big, so big that many are not even called cars any more, but rather, they are "sports utility vehicles. …