Recycling: An Economic Analysis
Recycling: An Economic Analysis
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回收:经济分析
DOI:
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发表时间:
1991
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通讯作者:
M. Williams
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文献类型:
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作者:
V. Duggal;C. Saltzman;M. Williams
Trash disposal and its ensuing environmental impact is becoming one of the central concerns of the nation. Dwindling landfill space, the resulting dramatic increase in landfill costs and the accompanying environmental concerns are being discussed at all levels of government. There are three basic options available for resolving the crisis: (1) building new landfill sites that are environmentally safe, (2) building incineration plants, and (3) reducing the waste stream by changing consumer behavior through price incentives and /or recycling. Several studies have pointed out the political problems of siting new landfills due to the "not in my backyard syndrome" (Cook, 1988; Zandi, 1989). Likewise, various articles have pointed out the limitations of incineration plants because they produce potentially toxic ash which must be disposed of in a landfill (Ecenberger, 1989; Lagone, 1989). It is not surprising, therefore, that most of the research focuses on the third option. However, it has concentrated on the price and cost of trash disposal rather than the role of the household recycling effort. During the seventies there were numerous studies which analyzed the household price elasticity for waste disposal. Wertz (1976) developed a broad theoretical model of household behavior regarding the production of waste. In an empirical test of his model he found a negative price elasticity. Two econometric studies, one based on a cross-section analysis of 13 municipalities (McFarland, 1972) and the other, a time-series analysis of three cities, (Eflaw and Lanen, 1979) estimated that the price elasticity was negative and inelastic. More recent research, using a case study approach, has also calculated a negative price elasticity (RTI, 1990) which implies an inverse relationship between the price the household pays for waste disposal and the amount of waste it puts out for collection. Gueron (1972) argued that unit pricing of household waste collection would result in negative alternative household disposal, with increased pollution and social costs outweighing any waste collection savings. Other researchers have suggested that government ordinances on burning and littering would reduce this impact (Goddard, 1975). More recent case studies have suggested that the introduction of unit pricing to household waste collection not only results in total waste reduction, but may also increase the household recycling effort (Skumatz, 1989; RTI, 1990; Jenkins, 1990). However, the RTI report points out that case studies of unit pricing policies do not establish if the reduction in waste collection is the result of unit pricing or recycling programs. They regard the two as complementary, but acknowledge that their conclusions reflect limited information. The studies that have concentrated on the recycling issue focus primarily on the cost aspect (Spaulding, 1987; Stauffer, 1989; Rankin and Nosker, 1989; Morris and Platt, 1987; and Vasuki, 1988). Morris and Platt examined the cost effectiveness of trash to steam plants, central recycling facilities, and recycling at the household level. They concluded, using a case study approach, that recycling at the household level was the most cost-effective. Rankin and Nosker measured the relationship between recycling capture rates and the breakeven disposal cost finding that programs with capture rates of approximately 80% tend to produce positive net revenues through a combination of avoided cost of solid waste disposal and revenues from the sale of recyclables. To our knowledge, there have been only two research efforts that attempt to examine the factors that influence the household incentive to recycle. Mersky (1988) analyzed the reactions and opinions of participating residents to mandatory newspaper recycling in six municipalities in Delaware County,