Japanese public opinion and the war on terrorism : implications for Japan's security strategy
Japanese public opinion and the war on terrorism : implications for Japan's security strategy
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日本舆论与反恐战争：对日本安全战略的影响
DOI：
10.1057/9780230613836
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发表时间：
2006
期刊：
影响因子：
2.2
通讯作者：
P. Midford
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
P. Midford
英文缩写一览日本民主党陆上自卫队日本自卫队日本防卫厅日本社会党自民党外务省海上自卫队维和行动ROES作战规则自卫队日本自卫队SNTV单一不可转让票联合国联合国美国无论人们如何看待布什政府有争议的“反恐战争”，它已经成为美国外交政策的关键组织概念，是自冷战时期遏制概念以来最有影响力的概念。作为唯一的超级大国，美国外交政策中一个新的、具有中心定义的概念的出现，对敌人和盟友都产生了重要影响。对日本来说，从9/11袭击后的几个小时开始，“反恐战争”导致了重要的政策创新，这些创新似乎挑战了日本战后禁止在海外部署和使用军事力量的规定（Hughes 2002;虽然日本长期以来一直致力于在军事上保卫国家领土，日本拒绝“成为军事大国”，拒绝在海外使用武力来实现外交政策目标，这是日本战后防御性军事姿态（或称“战略防御”）的标志（Midford 1995; Twomey 2000; Midford 2002）。因此，日本强烈支持布什政府的反恐战争，并愿意部署海军（以及短暂的空中）力量到印度洋，以及数年来向伊拉克和周边国家部署陆、空、海军资产，成为检验日本是否正在放弃战后防御性防卫态势，成为一个“正常”大国的最突出案例，克里斯托弗·休斯（Christopher Hughes）认为，日本“参与阿富汗战争和伊拉克重建为日本自卫队（JSDF）的派遣树立了重要的先例”，这可能预示着日本“被拉向激进的新方向”（Hughes 2004：131）。其他观察家则不那么谨慎地宣称，日本已经越过了安全“卢比孔”（米勒2002）或认为日本正在成为“亚洲的英国”，一个将与美国军队并肩作战的盟友，就像英国一样。1其他人认为日本公众舆论正变得越来越民族主义，这促使日本在海外发挥更积极的军事作用。2声称日本正在成为一个愿意在海外部署军事力量的“正常”军事大国，日本“大众”会支持这样一个重大的政策转变吗？这个问题的答案对美国的外交政策、全球政治和东亚以外的地区政治（如中东）都有重大影响。在这里，我简要地总结了两种截然不同的情景的含义。第一，越来越强硬的公众舆论，或不受公众舆论束缚的鹰派精英，将使日本成为理查德·阿米蒂奇和其他人所建议的“亚洲的英国”，一个愿意在远离日本海岸的各种冲突中与美国军队并肩作战的军事大国。由于公众对自卫队（SDF）的海外作战行动深表怀疑，因此自卫队的行动将无法扩大到伊拉克境内的非作战人道主义和后勤行动之外。事实上，在这种情况下，伊拉克可能成为日本支持美国在远离日本海岸的军事行动的最高点。…
List of AcronymsASDF Air Self-Defense ForceAWACS Airborne Warning and Control SystemDP] Democratic Party of JapanGSDF Ground Self-Defense Force]SDF Japan Self-Defense Forces]DA Japan Defense Agency]SP Japan Socialist PartyLDP Liberal Democratic PartyMOFA Ministry of Foreign AffairsMSDF Maritime Self-Defense ForcePKO peacekeeping operationsROEs rules of engagementSDF Self-Defense ForcesSNTV single nontransferable voteUN United NationsU.S. United StatesUNPCC United Nations Peace Cooperation CorpsWMD weapons of mass destructionWhatever one thinks about the Bush administration's controversial "war on terrorism," it has become the crucial organizing concept of U.S. foreign policy, the most influential since the Cold War-era concept of containment. As the sole superpower, the emergence of a new, centrally defining concept in U.S. foreign policy has had important implications for foes and allies alike. For Japan, beginning in the hours immediately following the 9/11 attacks, the "war on terrorism" led to important policy innovations that appeared to challenge Tokyo's postwar prohibitions on the deployment and use of military force overseas (Hughes 2002; Midford 2003a).While Japan has long demonstrated a commitment to militarily defend national territory, its refusal to "become a military power" that uses physical coercion overseas for foreign policy objectives has been a hallmark of Japan's postwar military posture of defensive defense (or senshu boei) (Midford 1995; Twomey 2000; Midford 2002). Thus Japan's strong sup- port for the Bush administration's war on terrorism, and its willingness to deploy naval (and briefly air) forces to the Indian Ocean, and ground, air, and naval assets to Iraq and surrounding countries for several years has become the most salient case for testing whether Japan is abandoning its postwar defensive defense posture and becoming a "normal" great power, willing to use military force overseas for foreign policy objectives.Christopher Hughes suggests that Japan's "participation in the Afghan campaign and Iraqi reconstruction has set vital precedents for JSDF [Japan Self-Defense Forces] dispatch" that could presage Japan's being "drawn in radical new directions"(Hughes 2004: 131). Less cautiously, other observers claim that Japan has already crossed its security "rubicon" (Miller 2002) or believe that Japan is emerging as the "Britain of Asia," an ally that will fight alongside U.S. forces just as Britain does.1 Others suggest that Japanese public opinion is becoming increasingly nationalistic, and that this is driving the country to play a more active military role overseas.2The claim that Japan is emerging as a "normal" military power willing to deploy military force overseas begs the question, would the Japanese "mass public" support such a major shift in policy? The answer has big implications for U.S. foreign policy, global politics, and regional politics beyond East Asia, such as in the Middle East. Here I briefly summarize the implications of two contrasting scenarios. The first is that increasingly hawkish public opinion, or hawkish elites unencumbered by public opinion, will cause Japan to become, as Richard Armitage and others suggest, the "Britain of Asia," a military power willing to fight alongside U.S. forces in various conflicts far from Japanese shores.3 The second is that hawkish elites, encumbered by a public that is deeply skeptical about overseas combat operations by the Self-Defense Forces (SDF), will consequently not be able to expand SDF operations beyond the noncombat humanitarian and logistical operations conducted in Iraq. Indeed, under this scenario Iraq may become the high-water mark of Japanese support for U.S. military operations distant from Japanese shores.This study explores these two scenarios and their implications for U. …
转型时期日本托儿所实践的特征。
DOI：
--
发表时间：
2006
期刊：
Bulletin of Research Institute, Kamakura Women's University 6
影响因子：
--
作者：
Shibayama;M.
通讯作者：
M.