Featured graphic. Parental 'choice' and sociospatial segregation in a UK city: access to the best state-funded secondary schools for Black Somali pupils
Featured graphic. Parental 'choice' and sociospatial segregation in a UK city: access to the best state-funded secondary schools for Black Somali pupils
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DOI:
10.1068/a140609g
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发表时间:
2015
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影响因子:
--
通讯作者:
Easton S
中科院分区:
文献类型:
--
作者:
Easton S
Following the rise of the neoliberalism in the 1980s (Harvey, 2005), education policy in England has been based around the polemic of consumer (parental) choice, but without explicit acknowledgement that,‘choice’is not evenly distributed throughout society either socially (Kaufmann et al, 2004; Reay, 2012) spatially (Burgess et al, 2011). During an analysis of school commuting for the city of Sheffield (in Yorkshire, UK), it became evident that Black secondary pupils (aged 11–16) were travelling significantly further from home to school than all other ethnic groups in the city. While White British secondary pupils travelled the shortest mean distance of all ethnic groups to school—an average of 2.5 km; children of Afro-Caribbean descent travelled just under 4 km; pupils in the Black African: Other category travelled an average of 4.27 km; and pupils of Black Somali heritage travelled 4.35 km on average—the furthest of any ethnic group. However, while the longer distances travelled by Black Afro-Caribbean and African: Other pupils were at least partly explained by higher rates of attendance at Christian faith schools (which were further away from home), this was not the case for Black pupils of Somali descent. No Somali pupils attended either of the state-funded Catholic high schools in Sheffield during the four school years from 2007/08 to 2010/11. This is likely to be at least in part because the predominant religion of this community is Islam, which may exclude the option of attending a Christian faith school. Voluntary-aided faith schools also set their own selection criteria which may limit access to this type of school for children from more deprived backgrounds through educational disadvantage. Figure 1 shows a dasymetric version of a bespoke geodemographic cluster analysis created for Sheffield, UK by the author from 2011 census date (after Vickers, 2006) in addition to house-price, and urban form data overlaid by 65% catchment areas (1) for the secondary schools in 2011 with the highest GCSE results. The map shows that Somali families with school-age children are concentrated mainly in the poorer parts of the city to the North and near the city centre. This is partly as a result of their refugee history which behoved being rehoused in social housing by the council. The dark grey loops are the catchment areas for the high schools with the highest performance as measured using mean GCSE results in Sheffield, plus 2 with a group mean of less than 5% below the average GCSE results for all England. Standard performance table statistics (Key Stage 4/GCSE results) were used to gauge school performance as this may be the only information some parents have available when selecting schools for their children (Garvey, 2014). These catchments were generated from pupil’s home location based on route distances from to school for 65% of the pupil intake in 2010/11. The map shows that most high schools with above-average GCSE results, and the high-achieving pupil peer-group associated with this mean, are clustered in the wealthiest neighbourhoods to the west of the city. Access to these high-performing state-schools is limited by area of residence. The higher-performing schools to the west are some of the most popular schools in Sheffield and as such are regularly oversubscribed (Sheffield City Council, 2012). The Catholic high school with the best overall GCSE results of any secondary school in Sheffield has a very large catchment area which covers most of the city, including the Somali areas of residence identified above.