Breaking the stones: Ritual, gender and modernity in North Ambrym, Vanuatu
Breaking the stones: Ritual, gender and modernity in North Ambrym, Vanuatu
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打破石头：瓦努阿图北安布里姆的仪式、性别和现代性
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发表时间：
2001
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通讯作者：
M. Patterson
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作者：
M. Patterson
在解构主义的20世纪70年代，当人类学的范畴以惊人的规律被拆除时，“r”似乎注定要遭受同样的命运（Goody 1977）。相反，它像水龙头一样从攻击中跳出来，成为多学科的子领域，研究。人类学家，就他们而言，停止争论是否与超自然的接触“是什么使仪式成为一个突出的类别，而且最终把维特根斯坦的格言的含义放在心上：如果犹太人要构建一个仪式，那将是关于狗的。正如坦比亚（Tambiah，1985：129 ± 130）所指出的那样，仪式中的宇宙观是不可避免的，人们还可以补充说，它与等级制度和争论的联系也是不可避免的。仪式做什么以及它如何做，现在人类学家比定义问题更关注它。然而，这种仪式的方法是封装在更广泛的辩论中的学科结构和过程，历史和机构的相互影响，其中“后逻辑”的思想也有相当大的投入。Paci® c一直是许多这些辩论的民族学矩阵，不幸的是，这里没有空间进行讨论。我提供了一个分析，从一个角度，这是解释性的，而不是排他性的。在当代美拉尼西亚语境中对仪式的探索必然会遇到大多数仪式理论家所认为的所有仪式过程中所涉及的双重焦点，即“规范”和“自我指涉”（Rappaport 1999：53）。前者从不被仪式的参与者编码，而是包含了“普遍秩序的一般、持久甚至永恒的方面”，不可避免地容纳了影响参与者的各种因素，而后者则呈现了事件的直接、特殊和重要方面“（第53页）。探索仪式中的规范和自我指涉，以及承认土著宇宙论是当代美拉尼西亚社会性再生产的重要因素，都是必要的，而且必须在与殖民主义、资本主义和外来他者的力量长期而多样的相互作用所造成的转变的背景下加以看待。以瓦努阿图为例，我们需要意识到一个更长的历史，在这个历史中，旅行通过广泛的物质和知识产权贸易促进了对文化差异的认识，促进了个人和团体的进步（见Bonnemaison等人，1996年; Patterson，1996年）。
During the deconstructive 1970s, when anthropological categories were being dismantled with startling regularity, r̀itual’ appeared destined for the same fate (Goody 1977). Instead, it sprang hydra-like from the assault to become the multidisciplinary sub® eld, r̀itual studies’. Anthropologists, for their part, ceased wrangling over whether an engagement with t̀he supernatural’ was what made ritual a salient category, and ® nally took to heart the implication of Wittgenstein’s aphorism: if the ̄ ea were to construct a rite it would be about the dog. As Tambiah (1985:129 ± 130) noted, there is an inevitability about the cosmological perspective in ritual and, one might also add, about its connections to hierarchy and contention. What ritual does and how it does it now preoccupy anthropologists to a greater degree than problems of de® nition. Yet this approach to ritual is encapsulated within wider debates in the discipline about the mutual implications of structure and process, history and agency, into which `afterological’ thought has also had considerable input. The Paci® c has been an ethnological matrix for many of these debates, which there is unfortunately no space to pursue here. I offer an analysis from a perspective that is incorporative rather than exclusionary. An exploration of ritual in a contemporary Melanesian context necessarily encounters what most ritual theorists see as the dual foci implicated in all ritual process, namely the `canonical’ and the `self-referential’ (Rappaport 1999:53). The former is never encoded by the participants in the ritual and incorporates the `general, enduring, or even eternal aspects of universal orders’, inevitably accommodating variant elements that affect those involved, while the latter r̀epresents the immediate, the particular and the vital aspects of events’ (p. 53). Exploration of the canonical and the self-referential in ritual and the acknowledgment of indigenous cosmologies as vital elements in the reproduction of sociality in contemporary Melanesia are both necessary, and must be viewed against a backdrop of transformations wrought by lengthy and varied interaction with the forces of colonialism, capitalism and exogenous Others. In the case of Vanuatu, the setting for this paper, we need to be aware of an even longer history, in which travel fostered awareness of cultural difference and facilitated personal and group advancement through a widespread commerce in material and intellectual property (see Bonnemaison et al. 1996; Patterson 1996).