Event-related brain potentials and case information in syntactic ambiguities
Event-related brain potentials and case information in syntactic ambiguities
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DOI：
10.1162/089892998562690
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发表时间：
1998-03-01
影响因子：
3.2
通讯作者：
Meng, M
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Hopf, JM;Bayer, J;Meng, M
在一项ERP研究中，德国句子进行了调查，其中包含一个情况下，可能会被分配到与格或与格的情况下，有歧义的NP。句子中的动词在句子的最后位置消除歧义。正如我们的数据所示，以动词结尾的句子将与格分配给歧义NP会引起明显的花园路径效应。花园路径效应是由一个广泛的中心后负移，发生在300和900毫秒后，赋予动词。未观察到错误分析后的P600增强。名词短语的情况下，歧义的情况下，有利于消除情况和明确的日期标记的NP没有引发显着的ERP差异。我们将讨论我们的研究结果的影响，解析和它的神经心理学相关。本研究的结果支持一个分析器的设计，根据所谓的结构情况下（主格或主格）分配没有任何延迟的情况下，形态词汇反证。有人认为，一个负的ERP组件与“经典”的N400地形的增强反映了重新分析的困难，由于重新访问的形态词汇信息，位于域之外的解析模块。因此，ERP的花园路径效应的反应并不局限于后期的积极性，但不同的处理水平参与再分析。花园小径效应也可能引发N400，这一事实可能与产生这些效应的构式的非同质语言属性有关。
In an ERP study, German sentences were investigated that contain a case-ambiguous NP that may be assigned accusative or dative case. Sentences were disambiguated by the verb in final position of the sentence. As our data show, sentences ending in a verb that assigns dative case to the ambiguous NP elicit a clear garden-path effect. The garden-path effect was indicated by a broad centro-posterior negative shift that occurred between 300 and 900 msec after the dative-assigning verb was presented. No enhanced P600 following the misanalysis was observed. Noun phrases whose case ambiguity was resolved in favor of accusative case and unambiguously dative-marked NPs did not trigger significant ERP differences. We will discuss the implications of our results for parsing and its neuropsychological correlates. The results of this study support a parser design according to which the so-called structural case (nominative or accusative) is assigned without any delay in the absence of morpho-lexical counterevidence. It is argued that the enhancement of a negative ERP component with a "classical" N400 topography reflects the difficulty of reanalysis due to reaccessing morpho-lexical information that lies outside the domain of the parsing module. Consequently, ERP responses to garden-path effects are not confined to a late positivity but vary depending on the level of processing involved in reanalysis. The fact that garden-path effects may also elicit an N400 can be linked to the nonhomogeneous linguistic properties of the constructions from which they arise.