How to Improve the Supply of High-Quality Teachers
How to Improve the Supply of High-Quality Teachers
复制标题
如何提高高素质教师供给
DOI：
10.1353/pep.2004.0001
复制
发表时间：
2004
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
Steven G. Rivkin
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
E. Hanushek;Steven G. Rivkin
事实上，每个对提高学校绩效感兴趣的人都关注教师素质的重要性。然而，与教师质量相关的政策建议常常没有纳入有关绩效的现有证据。本文回顾了与教师质量相关的各个研究领域，包括：总工资的作用、不同特征的教师供给、教师特征与学生成绩之间的关系以及教师增值的直接估计。这些证据与当前的政策举措相关，这些政策举措通常受到加强教师资格的建议和放宽准入条件并采取更强有力的后续激励措施的建议的限制。斯坦福大学、国家经济研究局和德克萨斯大学达拉斯分校；分别是阿默斯特学院、国家经济研究局和德克萨斯大学达拉斯分校。这项研究得到了帕卡德人文研究所的资助。如何改善高素质教师的供应 作者：Eric A. Hanushek 和 Steven G. Rivkin 在考虑学校时，人们不能不关注教师。毕竟，教师是学校最大的单一预算项目，更重要的是，许多人认为教师是学校质量最重要的决定因素。然而，研究并未发现教师特征与学生成绩之间存在系统性联系，这导致人们对当前许多以教师可衡量属性及其背景为关键的政策主张产生怀疑。相关研究遵循四个不同的路线，它们以不同的方式与教师质量相关。在最总体的层面上，也可能是最具影响力的层面上，各种研究都追踪了教师工资相对于其他职业的工资随时间的变化。除此之外，第二个层次的研究将教学工作的薪酬和其他特征与不同学校和地区的教师特征以及教师流动率联系起来。自然而然地，第三项研究将教师特征与学生表现联系起来。教师对学生成绩和其他成果的贡献与教师教育、经验和工资之间未能找到密切的关系，这与教师作为教育质量关键决定因素的普遍观点不一致。最后，第四条研究似乎通过证明教师对学生学习的巨大影响和传统质量衡量标准缺乏解释力来解决这个难题。本文的中心重点是将这些不同的研究机构与一系列教师质量政策举措联系起来。这些建议可以分为三个并不相互排斥的广泛领域。首先，由于教师的工资相对于其他工作有所下降，一些人认为，一个明显的举措就是将教师工资恢复到之前在收入分配中的地位，以吸引更好的教师进入该行业。其次，各州应该对教师采取更严格的资格认证，例如强制性的硕士学位，以提高质量。通常但并非总是建议加薪以及更严格的资格，以抵消对教师供应可能产生的负面影响。最后，另一套政策建议采取了截然不同的策略。这些通常主张不太严格而不是更严格的要求，并结合提高教师绩效和改进学校人员实践的激励措施。我们首先讨论现有的教师研究。这为更深入地讨论政策选择提供了背景。教师质量研究 虽然与教师质量相关的证据广泛分散，但也有共同的主题。一个关键的区别是调查是与学生的成绩直接相关还是仅仅依赖于假定的关系。总体薪资趋势 考虑教师质量的一个起点是教师薪资随时间的变化。图 1 追踪了 1940 年至 1990 年间 20-29 岁教师与其他年轻大学毕业生的工资对比。按性别分开计算，得出了拥有学士学位或以上学位的非教师中收入低于教师平均水平的比例。自二战以来的整个时期内，年轻男女教师的工资相对于其他职业一直在下降。然而，相对工资的时间路径存在显着的性别差异。对于男性来说，相对工资在 1940 年至 1960 年间有所下降，但此后基本保持不变。对于女性来说，相对工资一开始很高——高于受过大学教育的女性的中位数——但随后不断下降。这些变化对于年轻教师和大学毕业生来说是最容易看到的，因为他们的调整幅度较大，但这些变化也适用于所有年龄段的教师（见 Hanushek 和 Rivkin（1997））。换句话说，职业生涯后期工资的增长并没有抵消年轻教师工资的下降。其他人试图更深入地研究教师供给反应的结构。 Flyer 和 Rosen（1997）描述了一种更正式的改变女性机会的模型及其对教师职业的影响。 Lakdawalla (2001, 2002) 将其扩展为关注竞争行业中生产率变化的作用。毫无疑问，技术变革、女性机会增加、国际贸易增长以及其他增加对高技能工人需求的因素给教师工资带来了上涨压力。教师相对收入的下降可能导致这一时期平均教师质量的下降，尽管相对收入变化的短期影响不太明确（Ballou 和 Podgursky（1997））。然而，质量下降的程度尚不清楚，很大程度上取决于教学技能与非教师劳动力市场奖励技能之间的相关性。在非金钱因素不发挥作用的简单一维技能框架中，相对工资的大幅下降预计会导致教师质量的大幅下降。然而，在一个更加复杂和现实的框架中，教师的技能与其他专业人员不同，这表明对薪资变化的反应可能会更加温和。例如，如果教学比一般劳动力市场更注重沟通和人际关系技能，那么相对于所有大学毕业生的工资可能无法提供特别好的教师质量指标。 1 请注意，教师的工资包括所有收入，无论其来源如何。因此，教学以外的任何夏季或学年收入都包括在内。但是，不会因学年中上课时间或工作天数的任何差异而进行调整。也没有对雇主支付的附加福利进行任何计算。对每一项重要性的清晰讨论以及对总体工资差异的解释可以在 (Podgursky (2003)) 中找到。对于时间序列比较，如果教师和非教师之间的重要性随着时间的推移而发生相对变化，那么这些被省略的薪酬要素是最相关的。我们目前几乎没有关于任何此类变化的数据。图 1. 按性别划分的 20-29 岁的受过大学教育的教师收入低于平均水平的百分比1940年-2000年
Virtually everybody interested in improving the performance of schools concentrates on the importance of teacher quality. Yet policy recommendations related to teacher quality frequently do not incorporate existing evidence about performance. This paper reviews the various strands of research related to teacher quality including: the role of aggregate salaries, the supply of teachers with different characteristics, the relationship between teacher characteristics and student achievement, and direct estimates of the value-added of teachers. This evidence is then related to current policy initiatives as generally bounded by recommendations to tighten up on teacher qualifications and recommendations to loosen up on entry with stronger subsequent incentives. ∗ Stanford University, National Bureau of Economic Research, and University of Texas at Dallas; Amherst College, National Bureau of Economic Research, and University of Texas at Dallas, respectively. This research has been supported by a grant from the Packard Humanities Institute. How to Improve the Supply of High Quality Teachers By Eric A. Hanushek and Steven G. Rivkin When considering schools, one cannot help but pay attention to teachers. After all, teachers are the largest single budget item of schools, and, more importantly, many believe that they are the most important determinant of school quality. Yet research does not find a systematic link between teacher characteristics and student outcomes, leading to doubts about many current policy thrusts that are keyed to measurable attributes of teachers and their background. The relevant research follows four distinct lines that relate in varying ways to teacher quality. At the most aggregate level and possibly the most influential, a variety of studies have traced changes over time in the salaries of teachers relative to those in other occupations. Going beyond that, a second level of studies relates pay and other characteristics of teaching jobs to the characteristics of teachers in different schools and districts and teacher turnover. A third line of research, following naturally from these, relates teacher characteristics to student performance. It is the failure to find a strong relationship between the contributions of teachers to student achievement and other outcomes on the one hand and teacher education, experience and salaries on the other that is so inconsistent with the popular view of teachers as a key determinant of the quality of education. Finally, the fourth line of research appears to have solved this conundrum by demonstrating both the large impact of teachers on student learning and the lack of explanatory power of traditional quality measures. The central focus of this paper is to relate these various bodies of research to a set of teacher quality policy initiatives. These proposals can be divided into three broad areas that are not mutually exclusive. First, because salaries of teachers have fallen relative to other jobs, some argue an obvious move is simply to restore teacher salaries to their previous position in the earnings distribution in order to attract better teachers into the profession. Second, states should adopt more stringent qualifications for teachers such as mandatory Master’s Degrees in order to improve quality. Salary increases are often but by no means always recommended along with more stringent qualifications in order to offset any possible negative impacts on teacher supply. Finally, an alternative set of policy proposals has taken a very different tact. These typically advocate less strict rather than stricter requirements in combination with incentives for higher teacher performance and improved school personnel practices. We begin with a discussion of the existing research on teachers. This provides the backdrop for a more thorough discussion of the policy options. Research on Teacher Quality While the evidence related to teacher quality is widely scattered, there are common themes. A key distinction is whether or not the investigations are related directly to student outcomes or simply rely upon a presumed relationship. Aggregate Salary Trends A starting point in the consideration of teacher quality is the evolution of teacher salaries over time. Figure 1 traces the wages of teachers aged 20-29 compared to those of other young college graduates between 1940 and 1990. The calculations, done separately by gender, give the proportion of nonteachers with a bachelor’s degree or more who earn less than the average teacher. Over the entire time period since WWII, salaries of young female and male teachers have fallen relative to those for other occupations. However, there are substantial gender differences in the time path of relative salaries. For males, relative salaries fell between 1940 and 1960 but have remained roughly constant afterwards. For females, relative salaries started out high – above the median for college educated females – but then continuously fell. The changes are easiest to see for young teachers and college graduates, where the adjustment has been larger, but they also hold for teachers of all ages (see Hanushek and Rivkin (1997)). In other words, the growth in late career salaries has not offset the decline in salaries for younger teachers. Others have attempted to go deeper into the structure of teacher supply responses. Flyer and Rosen (1997) describe a more formal model of changing female opportunities and its impact on the teaching profession. Lakdawalla (2001, 2002) extends this to concentrate on the role of productivity changes in competing industries. There can be little doubt that technological change, expanded opportunities for women, growth in international trade and other factors that have increased the demand for highly skilled workers have placed upward pressure on teacher salaries. The decline in the relative earnings of teachers has likely led to a fall in average teacher quality over this period, though the shorter term implications of a change in relative earnings is less clear cut (Ballou and Podgursky (1997)). However, the extent of that quality decline is unclear and depends in large part on the correlation between teaching skill and the skills rewarded in the non-teacher labor market. In a simple unidimensional skill framework in which non-pecuniary factors play no role, the substantial decline in relative salary would be expected to lead to a large fall in teacher quality. However, a more complex and realistic framework in which the skill set of teachers differs from that of other professionals suggests the possibility of a more muted response to the salary changes. For example, if teaching places greater emphasis on a set of communication and interpersonal relation skills than the general labor market, the salaries relative to all college graduates may not provide a particularly good index of teacher quality. 1 Note that salaries for teachers include all earnings, regardless of source. Thus, any summer or school year earnings outside of teaching are included. No adjustments are made, however, for any differences in the length of the school day or in the days worked during the year. Nor is any calculation of employer paid fringe benefits made. A clear discussion of the importance of each of these along with interpretation of the overall salary differences can be found in (Podgursky (2003). For the time series comparisons, these omitted elements of compensation are most relevant, if there have been relative changes in the importance of them between teachers and nonteachers over time. We currently have little data on any such changes. Figure 1. Percent college educated earning less than average teacher, by gender, age 20-29 from 1940-2000