Quantifiers are incrementally interpreted in context, more than less.
Quantifiers are incrementally interpreted in context, more than less.
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量词是在上下文中逐步解释的，多而不是少。
DOI：
10.1016/j.jml.2015.03.010
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发表时间：
2015
影响因子：
4.3
通讯作者：
Kutas,Marta
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Urbach,ThomasP;DeLong,KatherineA;Kutas,Marta
语言解释通常被认为是渐进的。然而，我们对孤立句子中的量词表达的研究发现，N400事件相关脑电位（ERP）证据可以部分但非完全地立即解释量词（Urbach & Kutas，2010）。在这里，我们测试了类似的量词表达在语用支持的话语背景下（亚历克斯是一个不寻常的蹒跚学步的孩子。大多数/很少的孩子喜欢糖果/蔬菜......），而参与者进行可解释性判断（实验1）或阅读理解（实验2）。控制实验3A（可理解性）和3B（理解性）去除了话语语境。量词总是调制典型和/或非典型词N400振幅。然而，只有在实验二中，实时N400效应反映了离线量词和典型性交叉交互作用对完形填空概率和可译性评分的影响。我们的结论是，虽然语用和任务变量似乎会影响量词解释的速度和/或深度，但量词表达式可以被充分和立即地解释。
Language interpretation is often assumed to be incremental. However, our studies of quantifier expressions in isolated sentences found N400 event-related brain potential (ERP) evidence for partial but not full immediate quantifier interpretation (Urbach & Kutas, 2010). Here we tested similar quantifier expressions in pragmatically supporting discourse contexts (Alex was an unusual toddler.Most/Few kids prefer sweets/vegetables …) while participants made plausibility judgments (Experiment 1) or read for comprehension (Experiment 2). Control Experiments 3A (plausibility) and 3B (comprehension) removed the discourse contexts. Quantifiers always modulated typical and/or atypical word N400 amplitudes. However, the real-time N400 effects only in Experiment 2 mirrored offline quantifier and typicality crossover interaction effects for plausibility ratings and cloze probabilities. We conclude that quantifier expressionscanbe interpreted fully and immediately, though pragmatic and task variables appear to impact the speed and/or depth of quantifier interpretation.