Prosocial and Aggressive Behavior: A Longitudinal Study

Prosocial and Aggressive Behavior: A Longitudinal Study
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DOI:
10.1111/mono.12427
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发表时间:
2021-06-01
影响因子:
9.5
通讯作者:
Slade, Rhiannon
Slade, Rhiannon
中科院分区:
心理学1区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Hay, Dale F.;Paine, Amy L.;Slade, Rhiannon

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发展理论家对人类婴儿的基本亲社会或攻击性本质提出了强有力的主张。然而,只有很少有亲社会行为和侵略一起研究在同一个样本。我们在英国社区样本中绘制了两种行为从婴儿期到儿童期的平行发展图,采用双结构、多方法纵向设计,数据来自卡迪夫儿童发展研究(CCDS),这是一项前瞻性纵向研究,以父母及其长子为志愿者样本。从2005年秋季至2007年夏季,英国威尔士的国家卫生服务(NHS)产前诊所和全科诊所招募了332名母亲。潜在的参与者代表了社区的社会人口分类的全部范围。参与调查的家庭平均分为中产阶级和工人阶级家庭,生儿子的可能性比生女儿的可能性更大,大多数(90%)都有稳定的伴侣关系。根据当时推荐在威尔士使用的标准分类,大多数(93%)母亲报告自己是威尔士人、苏格兰人、英格兰人或爱尔兰人;大多数其他人说是欧洲或南亚国籍。在332个同意参加的家庭中,321名母亲(M-年龄= 28岁)和285名合作伙伴(M-年龄= 31岁)在怀孕期间进行了采访,321个家庭提供的数据至少一次后,孩子的出生。在6个月的首次家访后,当儿童的平均年龄约为1岁、1.5岁、2.5岁和7岁时,在另外四波测试中进行数据收集。数据收集在家庭住宅和卡迪夫大学之间交替进行。在孩子出生后看到的家庭中,89%在最后一波测试中接受了评估。数据收集于2015年结束。方法包括直接观察,实验任务,以及从母亲,父亲,其他亲戚或家庭朋友和课堂老师那里收集报告。在1.5岁时观察到与熟悉同伴的互动。与不熟悉的同龄人的互动发生在实验生日派对在1和2.5年。在7岁时,父母接受了采访,父母和老师完成了问卷调查,孩子们参与了认知和社会决策任务。根据父母和其他知情人的报告,孩子们在亲社会行为和攻击性方面的个体差异很明显。这两种类型的行为在第二年和第三年都表现出稳定性。亲社会行为和攻击性之间的关联随着时间的推移而改变:在1.5岁时,它们没有显著相关(关联接近于零),但到3岁时,它们变成了负相关。在1.5岁时,当孩子们在家里与熟悉的同龄人一起观察时,亲社会行为和攻击性是无关的,因此显示出与线人报告分析中看到的结果相似的结果模式。然而,在实验性的生日派对上,与不熟悉的同龄人出现了不同的模式:亲社会行为和攻击性在1岁和2.5岁时都呈正相关,在这两个年龄段都是一个普遍的社交因素。(虽然不是2.5岁)的生日聚会。相比之下,在亲社会行为和攻击性方面的性别差异在7岁时就很明显了,无论是在孩子的攻击性决策中,还是在父母和老师对孩子在家里和学校的攻击性行为的报告中。到7岁时,儿童的攻击性决策和行为与他们的言语技能、工作记忆和情感理解呈负相关。一些孩子已经发展出攻击性行为问题和冷酷无情的特征。少数人(12%)符合行为障碍或对立违抗性障碍的诊断标准,这是由早期的愤怒攻击性和缺乏对他人的同情心所预测的。总的来说,研究结果揭示了儿童与他人互动的两种方式逐渐分解。亲社会行为和攻击性的个体差异都显示出随时间的连续性,性别差异首先出现在亲社会行为中,然后出现在攻击性中。所有人都是第一次做父母;所有人都来自联合王国的一个地区)意味着不可能广泛地推广研究结果。在未来的工作中,扩大对其他家庭和环境背景下的亲社会行为和攻击行为的研究将是非常重要的。了解更多关于早期出现的个体差异,儿童的方法,社会世界可能是有用的教育和临床实践。
Developmental theorists have made strong claims about the fundamental prosocial or aggressive nature of the human infant. However, only rarely have prosocial behavior and aggression been studied together in the same sample. We charted the parallel development of both behaviors from infancy to childhood in a British community sample, using a two-construct, multimethod longitudinal design.Data were drawn from the Cardiff Child Development Study (CCDS), a prospective longitudinal study of a volunteer sample of parents and their firstborn children. A sample of 332 mothers was recruited from National Health Service (NHS) prenatal clinics and general practice clinics in Wales, UK, between Fall of 2005 and Summer of 2007. Potential participants represented the full range of sociodemographic classifications of neighborhoods. Participating families were divided about equally between middle- and working-class families, were somewhat more likely to have sons than daughters, and the majority (90%) were in a stable partnership. In response to standard categories recommended for use in Wales at the time, the majority (93%) of mothers reported themselves as Welsh, Scottish, English, or Irish; most others named a European or South Asian nationality.Of the 332 families agreeing to participate, 321 mothers (M-age = 28 years) and 285 partners (M-age = 31 years) were interviewed during the pregnancy and 321 of the families contributed data at least once after the child's birth. After an initial home visit at 6 months, data collection occurred in four additional waves of testing when children's mean ages were approximately 1, 1.5, 2.5, and 7 years. Data collection alternated between family homes and Cardiff University. Of those families seen after the child's birth, 89% were assessed at the final wave of testing. Data collection ended in 2015.Methods included direct observation, experimental tasks, and collection of reports from mothers, fathers, other relatives or family friends, and classroom teachers. Interactions with a familiar peer were observed at 1.5 years. Interactions with unfamiliar peers took place during experimental birthday parties at 1 and 2.5 years. At 7 years, parents were interviewed, parents and teachers completed questionnaires, and the children engaged in cognitive and social decision-making tasks.Based on reports from parents and other informants who knew the children well, individual differences in both prosocial behavior and aggression were evident in children. Both types of behavior showed stability across the second and third years. The association between prosocial behavior and aggression changed over time: at 1.5 years, they were not significantly related (the association approached zero), but they became negatively correlated by 3 years.Different patterns were seen when children played with familiar versus unfamiliar peers. At 1.5 years, when children were observed at home with a familiar peer, prosocial behavior and aggression were unrelated, thus showing a pattern of results like that seen in the analysis of informants' reports. However, a different pattern emerged during the experimental birthday parties with unfamiliar peers: prosocial behavior and aggression were positively correlated at both 1 and 2.5 years, contributing to a general sociability factor at both ages.Gender differences in prosocial behavior were evident in informants' reports and were also evident at the 1-year (though not the 2.5-year) birthday parties.In contrast, gender differences in both prosocial behavior and aggression were evident by 7 years, both in children's aggressive decision-making and in their parents' and teachers' reports of children's aggressive behavior at home and school.By age 7, children's aggressive decision-making and behavior were inversely associated with their verbal skills, working memory, and emotional understanding. Some children had developed aggressive behavioral problems and callous-unemotional traits. A few (12%) met diagnostic criteria for conduct disorder or oppositional-defiant disorders, which had been predicted by early angry aggressiveness and lack of empathy for other people.Taken together, the findings revealed a gradual disaggregation of two ways in which children interact with other people. Individual differences in both prosocial behavior and aggression revealed continuity over time, with gender differences emerging first in prosocial behavior, then in aggression.Restrictions in the participant sample and the catchment area (e.g., all were first-time parents; all were drawn from a single region in the United Kingdom) mean that it is not possible to generalize findings broadly. It will be important to expand the study of prosocial behavior and aggression in other family and environmental contexts in future work. Learning more about early appearing individual differences in children's approaches to the social world may be useful for both educational and clinical practice.