Economic Crisis and Classed Everyday Life: Hysteresis, Positional Suffering and Symbolic Violence
Economic Crisis and Classed Everyday Life: Hysteresis, Positional Suffering and Symbolic Violence
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经济危机和阶级日常生活：滞后、地位苦难和象征性暴力
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发表时间：
2013
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影响因子：
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通讯作者：
W. Atkinson
中科院分区：
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作者：
W. Atkinson
根据马克思关于资本积累的基本定律，经济危机破坏了被统治阶级--无产阶级--的生存条件，也就是说，破坏了他们出卖劳动力的能力，因为越来越多的人沦为了贫穷的工业劳动后备军。[1]然而，从布迪厄的观点来看，“商业周期”（它被委婉地称为“商业周期”）的分类后果，有些不同因为，如果阶级确实是由共同的生存条件来界定的，那么，这些生存条件就不仅仅是由生产资料的所有权或非所有权构成的，即使作为经济资本回报经济资本，这无疑有助于它们，而是由拥有多种形式的资本--经济资本，而且还有文化资本和社会资本--所给予的与物质必要性的相对距离构成的。产生了获得特定商品、服务、权力、经验和阶级结构区域的可能性，产生了与这些可能性相协调的习性或倾向系统，使必要性成为一种美德--因为所有人都试图在他们所处的生活世界中找到一种认可的原则--将它们转化为品味。然而，资源的不同分配赋予了不同的能力，使人们能够通过文化和意识形态生产领域将自己的品味作为合法的--正如所有人都应该努力成为和做的那样--这意味着，不同的品味远非被认为是“不同但平等的"，而是根据人们所观察和所处的位置而被分等级、崇拜或诋毁。
Economic crises, according to Marx’s fundamental law of capital accumulation, undermine the condition of existence of the dominated class — the proletariat — that is to say, their capacity to sell their labour, by relegating ever greater numbers to the impoverished reserve army of industrial labour.1 From a Bourdieusian point of view, however, the classed consequences of the ‘business cycle’, as it is euphemistically dubbed, are somewhat different. For if class is indeed defined by shared conditions of existence, then these are constituted not merely by ownership or not of the means of production, even if, as economic capital returning economic capital, that undoubtedly contributes to them, but by relative distance from material necessity given by possession of multiple forms of capital — economic but also cultural and social capital.2 This relative distance from necessity, yielding probabilities of access to particular goods, services, powers, experiences and regions of the class structure, produces a habitus, or system of dispositions attuned to those probabilities which, making a virtue of necessity — as all humans seek to find a principle of recognition in the lifeworld into which they are thrown — translates them into tastes. The differential distribution of resources, however, endows differential capacity to impose one’s own tastes as legitimate — as what all should strive to be and do — through the fields of cultural and ideological production, meaning that, far from being considered ‘different but equal’, classed tastes are hierarchised and venerated or vilified depending on which position one is looking at and from.