Justin: Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus Books 11-12, Alexander the Great
Justin: Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus Books 11-12, Alexander the Great
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贾斯汀：庞培·特洛格斯 Philippic 历史缩影 第 11-12 卷，亚历山大大帝
DOI：
10.2307/300839
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发表时间：
1998
影响因子：
0.9
通讯作者：
Waldemar Heckel
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Diana Spencer;J. Yardley;Waldemar Heckel
这卷是一个翻译与评论的Phlegon的短paradoxographical收集，米拉比利亚，它也对待简短的德Macrobiis和样本的一部分，仍然是什么奥林匹亚。其目的是引起文化历史学家和民俗学家的注意“西方文学中现存最早的纯感觉主义作品”，这部作品是“一种特殊的大众文学”和“当代口头叙事和民间信仰”的一个很好的例子。这篇评论是以“普通读者以及古典学者为中心”（前言）。汉森以一个关于悖论（定义为“带有学习味道的娱乐性阅读”，9）的有用调查开始他的介绍。弗莱贡改变了策略，把注意力集中在人类而不是自然世界上。他也比他的前任编辑得少。我们所拥有的，然后，是“耸人听闻的，怪诞的和奇怪的”（11）。这导致了与美国和英国小报的长时间比较（“我的丈夫变成了青蛙，哭泣的妻子。他呱呱叫，抓苍蝇，在院子里跳来跳去。他们的“离奇的人类兴趣故事”和Phlegon的故事之间的区别“主要是经济而不是文学性质的”。就像其他地方一样，H。给出给定主题的参考书目。他以简短的评论结束了对长寿命的介绍，包括对卢西恩所认为的完全不同的长寿命的观察，以及对奥林匹克运动会的观察，其中的边角料可能是奇迹的部分起源。《奇迹》本身并不是一部完全不为人知的作品。歌德知道了第一个鬼故事，他根据这个故事创作了《柯林斯的鬼魂》（Die Braut von Korinth，70-1; Breon Mitchell译，见附录2）。同样，第三个故事，即复活的Bouplagos和罗马将军Publius，受到历史学家的关注，最初是反罗马宣传的作品，可以追溯到公元前世纪（参见第二章）。102-3）。这就是说，H。当然，通过提供良好的翻译来提供服务。参考书目也值得拥有。这些评论有些让人失望，因为它们习惯于提出非常明显的观点。即使是一般读者也知道，《奇迹》1.9“所有人都在悲伤”的意思是“家庭放弃了克制，自由地悲伤”（73）。还有一个问题，既解决古典主义者和民俗学家。后者会因为发现一个故事只限于一个故事而感到不安：相反，所有的故事都可以被简化为重复的主题。H.在第一个故事中努力工作。剥去了痰论，它与现代爱尔兰民间故事集有着密切的相似之处（除非得出结论：这里的“抽象层面上的平行性是惊人的”，82）。与小报相比，这种时间上的拖延也可以看出。“感觉主义”，维多利亚时代对数百万人的情感作品的分类，实际上似乎非常不合适。因为弗勒根不是一个民粹主义作家。他对真实的个人生活不感兴趣，即使有时他断言解剖。我们也不能说一切都是娱乐和娱乐。相反，如果我们想把这项工作放在第二世纪的背景下，我们必须考虑这些信息在那些能够获得可比产品的人中的作用。虽然Phlegon的故事是关于人的，但其中大部分都牢牢地定位于自然经验（性别的变化，早熟的成熟，畸形）。对这些事情的了解是不断交流和展示信息的一部分，这是这一时期精英身份的重要标志。这是普鲁塔克的《餐桌谈话》、格柳斯的《阁楼之夜》、雅典娜的《晚餐中的智者》和埃利安的《多样的历史》中的素材，或者在波莱蒙的《面相学》和希腊小说等文本中也很明显。这同样适用于弗莱根收集开始时的中篇小说故事。这就是古典主义者开始和民俗学家结束的地方。
This volume is a translation with commentary of Phlegon's short paradoxographical collection, the Mirabilia; it also treats the brief De Macrobiis and samples part of what remains of the Olympiads. The aim is to bring to the attention of cultural historians and folklorists 'the earliest surviving work of pure sensationalism in Western literature', a work which is a good 'example of a particular kind of popular literature' and of 'contemporary oral narrative and folk belief. The commentary is written with 'the general reader as well as the classical scholar in mind' (Preface). Hansen begins his introduction with a useful survey of paradoxography (defined as 'entertaining reading with a flavour of learning', 9). Phlegon altered tack by focusing on the human rather than the natural world. He also edits less than his predecessors. What we have, then, is the 'sensational, the grotesque and the bizarre' (11). This leads to a long comparison with American and British tabloid newspapers ('My Hubby Has Turned into a Frog, Sobs Wife. He croaks, catches flies and hops around the yard', 12). The difference between their 'bizarre human interest stories' and those of Phlegon is 'largely economic rather than literary in nature'. Here, as elsewhere, H. gives bibliography for a given topic. He finishes the introduction with brief remarks on the Long-Livers, including observations on the quite dissimilar Long-Livers attributed to Lucian, and on the Olympiads, the offcuts of which were perhaps in part the origin of the Marvels. The Marvels itself is not a totally unknown work. The first ghost story became known to Goethe who made of it Die Braut von Korinth (70-1; trans, in Appendix 2 by Breon Mitchell). Again, the third tale, that of the revenant Bouplagos and the Roman general Publius, has received attention from historians as a work originally of anti-Roman propaganda dating to the second century B.C. (cf. 102-3). That said, H. certainly performs a service by making it available in a good translation. The bibliographical references are also worth having. The commentaries are somewhat let down by the habit of making very obvious points. Even a general reader knows that Marvels 1.9 'all were grieving' means 'The household gives up its restraint and grieves freely' (73). There is also a problem with addressing both classicists and folklorists. The latter would be upset to find a story restricted to one telling: rather, all stories can be reduced to recurrent motifs. H. works hard in this vein with the first tale. Stripped of Phlegontics it bears a close similarity to a modern Irish folktale set (barring the conclusion: here the 'parallelism on an abstract level is striking', 82). This slippage of time is seen also in the comparison with the tabloid press. 'Sensationalism', a Victorian categorization of emotional writings for the millions, seems in fact quite inappropriate. For Phlegon was not a populist author. He is not interested in real individual lives, even when he sometimes asserts autopsy. Nor can we say all is fun and entertainment. Rather, if we want to place this work in its second-century context, we have to think about the function of such information among those with access to comparable productions. Although Phlegon's tales are of people, most of them are located firmly in natural experiences (changes of sex, precocious maturation, teratologies). Knowledge of such things is part of the constant exchange and display of information that was a crucial badge of elite identity in this period. It is the stuff of Plutarch's Table Talks, Gellius' Attic Nights, Athenaeus' Sophists at Dinner, and Aelian's Varied History, or again is evident in texts like Polemon's Physiognomy and the Greek novels — and many others. The same goes for the novellalike stories at the start of Phlegon's collection. This is where the classicist begins and the folklorist leaves off.