Towards a Normal Stratification Order: Actual and Perceived Social Stratification in Post-Socialist Estonia
Towards a Normal Stratification Order: Actual and Perceived Social Stratification in Post-Socialist Estonia
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走向正常的分层秩序：后社会主义爱沙尼亚的实际和感知的社会分层
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发表时间：
2012
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通讯作者：
D. Bills
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作者：
D. Bills
也许这是c·赖特·米尔斯的遗产，贯穿了我四十多年的社会学导论教学，将“麻烦”与“问题”、传记与历史进行对比，但当一位社会学家转向（自动）传记时，我发现自己特别感兴趣。而且不是任何一个社会学家。这就是彼得·伯杰，他和托马斯·卢克曼一起改变了我的生活，让我成为了现在的我——或者至少让我明白了我是谁。我在大一的夏天上了本科理论课。在读完伯杰的传记后，我震惊地发现，那是在伯杰和卢克曼出版《现实的社会建构》仅仅三年之后。我仍然拥有那本书；当我把我的图书馆从一个大房子缩小到一个公寓时，它是为数不多的“理论”书之一。那本《现实的社会建构》（The Social Construction of Reality），到处都是亮点、下划线、感叹号和涂鸦，是我作为一名社会学家诞生的记录。所以这是我面对过的最吓人的书评。我对宗教社会学一无所知，对伯杰所研究和出版的许多领域也一无所知。我和几乎所有人一样，对他的一长串著作，以及他在世界各地工作和贡献的许多领域印象深刻。对他的研究成果的回顾需要一个团队的努力，而这正是他自己成功召集的那种研究团队。伯杰的语气，迷人的幽默，让我想起了我的一个年迈的叔叔。他把自己来到新学院学习社会学描述为一种意外，没有意识到这对美国主流社会学来说是多么微不足道，他给我们讲了一个关于中国服务员说意第绪语的古老犹太笑话。当顾客感到惊讶时，店主会让他安静下来：“他以为他在学英语！然后我们就出发了——我正在听我敬爱的叔叔讲话。当他讲述他非凡多产的一生时，我有时感到敬畏，但就像我的叔叔们一样，有时会因尴尬而退缩。正如书名所示，这是一本伯杰作为社会学家的冒险之书，而不是一本完整的自传。第一次婚姻来得快去得快——他的孩子们也是如此。他的妻子布丽吉特·伯杰（Brigitte Berger）确实在整本书中不时出现，但他的家庭生活在他早年在哈特福德神学院基金会（Hartford Seminary Foundation）的经历中被忽略了：“在哈特福德的岁月对个人和智力都具有重要的传记意义。我和布丽吉特一起生活，我们的两个儿子也在那里出生。他继续用一两句话来描述她的作品，以及他自己离开新正统神学，转向“自由路德教”（第77页）。伯杰花了一些时间解释说，他的宗教生活是他自身非常重要的一部分，但与他作为社会学家的生活是分开的，他用了许多犹太参考（我们中那些没有关注他在宗教社会学方面工作的人可以原谅他是犹太人）：韦伯式的犹太烹饪观念，将肉质的科学与乳白色的宗教分开。我可以尊重和欣赏这一点，无论是分离还是完全分离的地方。最有趣的是，他甚至没有想到，在他的智力发展中，他的生活/身份的其他部分可能值得关注。毕竟，他是一名白人——我猜想，他并不觉得这种身份及其特权值得注意。伯杰是我生命中的神之一，但和其他许多人一样，当女权主义出现时，他崩溃了。他在“政治不正确的短途旅行”一章中讲述了“激进的女权主义者”的故事（畏缩），几乎让我心碎。激进?我的一个朋友问我
Perhaps it is the C. Wright Mills legacy, run through forty-some years of my teaching Introduction to Sociology, contrasting ‘‘troubles’’ with ‘‘issues,’’ biography with history, but I find myself particularly intrigued when a sociologist turns to (auto)biography. And not just any sociologist. This is Peter Berger who, along with Thomas Luckmann, changed my life and made me who I am— or at least let me understand who I am. I took my undergraduate theory class in the summer of my freshman year. And after reading Berger’s biography, I was shocked to learn that was just three years after Berger and Luckmann published The Social Construction of Reality. I still own that book; it is one of the few ‘‘theory’’ books that made the cut when I downsized my library to an apartment from a big house. That copy of The Social Construction of Reality, with its highlighting, underlining, exclamation points and scribbles all over the margins, is the document of my birth as a sociologist. So this is the most intimidating book review I have ever faced. I know just about nothing about the sociology of religion, nothing about many of the areas in which Berger has worked and published. I am, as almost anyone would be, impressed with his long list of books, the many areas in which he has worked and contributed, all around the world. A review of his work requires a group effort, just the kind of research group he himself has been so successful at convening. Berger’s tone, the engaging humor, reminds me of one of my elderly uncles. He describes his arrival at the New School to learn sociology as a kind of accident, not realizing how totally marginal it was to mainstream American sociology, offering us the old Jewish joke about the Chinese waiter speaking Yiddish. When a customer is surprised, the owner hushes him: ‘‘He thinks he’s learning English!’’ And we’re off—I am listening to one of my beloved uncles. As he recounts his extraordinarily productive life, I am sometimes in awe, but much as with my uncles, sometimes wincing with embarrassment. This is, as titled, a book of Berger’s adventures as a sociologist, not an autobiography of his life in full. A first marriage comes and goes in a sentence—his children do the same. Brigitte Berger, his wife, does show up now and again throughout the book, but his family life is dismissed with this reference to his early years at the Hartford Seminary Foundation: ‘‘The Hartford years were biographically important both personally and intellectually. I started life with Brigitte, and our two sons were born there.’’ He continues with a sentence or two on her writing, and his own leaving behind of neoorthodox theology and coming to ‘‘liberal Lutheranism’’ (p. 77). Berger spends some time explaining that his religious life is a very important part of who he is, but separate from his life as a sociologist, using as one of many Jewish references (those of us who did not follow his work in the sociology of religion can be forgiven for having thought he was Jewish): a Weberian notion of kosher cooking, keeping fleshy science separate from milky religion. I can respect and appreciate that, both the separation and the places where the separation utterly falls apart. What is most interesting is that it really does not even occur to him that other parts of his life/identity may be worth attending to in his intellectual development. He is, after all, a white man—and I gather that that identity and its privilege do not strike him as noteworthy. Berger was one of the gods of my life, but like many others, he crashes when feminism comes in. His tales of ‘‘militant feminists’’ in a chapter (wince) called ‘‘Politically Incorrect Excursions’’ all but breaks my heart. Militant? As one of my friends asked when