Uncertainty and powerlessness in Congo 2012
Uncertainty and powerlessness in Congo 2012
复制标题
2012 年刚果的不确定性和无力感
DOI：
--
复制
发表时间：
2013
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
Théodore Trefon
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Théodore Trefon
总统和立法机构选举于2011年11月28日举行。紧随其后的是操纵、欺诈和侵犯人权的指控。刚果和国际观察员首先怀疑，然后记录了选举过程中的许多违规行为。颇具影响力的全国天主教主教会议（National Conference of Catholic Bishops）直言不讳地批评选举混乱，并明确谴责政府，称其为“背叛、谎言和恐怖”。参与政治的教会之父、大主教劳伦特·蒙森沃（Laurent Monsengwo）称这一结果是“非法的”，称它们“既不符合真相，也不符合正义”。卡比拉总统的竞选口号是“为了一个统一的刚果”。但是这个国家仍然存在两派，一派认为他的连任是合法的，另一派则不这么认为。资深政治反对派领袖艾蒂安·齐塞克迪拒绝接受选举结果，宣称自己是“人民的选择”。我们永远不会真正知道谁赢了，因为选票和结果报告已经丢失或被销毁。卡比拉和齐塞克迪都不认为对方是政治对手，而是不惜一切代价打击对方的敌人。双方阵营的极端主义排除了达成协议或解决问题的任何希望。选举重要吗？在某些方面确实如此。选举是民主进程的一部分，是国家主权的体现，动员选举有助于政治觉醒。有大量的选民登记和投票，证实了普通刚果人在政治上的成熟。这一轮选举大部分是由刚果人民自己支付的（与2006年的投票相反），这表明政府能够尊重国际承诺。然而，可以提出一个更有力的理由，即选举没有多大意义。最重要的是，登记、投票和结果报告都很混乱。2006年的选举周期没有结束，因为地方选举从未进行过。这剥夺了人民与当地民选官员的接触，而这是本着真正的民主精神在人民和政府之间建立信任关系的最佳途径。选举前也存在明显的操纵行为：宪法修正案将两轮投票制度改为单轮投票（有利于现任者），以及国家独立选举委员会（CENI）成员的自上而下任命就是两个显著的例子。这些问题导致当地和国际信誉的丧失和严重的社会挫折。因此，卡比拉总统仍然处于边缘化和脆弱的阶段。直到最近,
Presidential and legislative elections took place on 28 November 2011. They were immediately followed by claims of manipulation, fraud and human rights violations. Congolese and international observers first suspected, and then documented, numerous irregularities in the electoral process. The very influential National Conference of Catholic Bishops was outspokenly critical of the electoral chaos and explicitly condemned the government, referring to ‘treachery, lies and terror’. Archbishop Laurent Monsengwo, the politically engaged father of the church, described the results as ‘illegitimate’, saying they ‘conformed neither to truth nor to justice’. President Kabila campaigned under the slogan ‘for a united Congo’. But the country remains divided between those who believe his re-election to be legitimate and those who do not. Veteran political opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi rejected the results, proclaiming himself to be ‘the people’s choice’. We will never really know who won because ballots and results reports were lost or destroyed. Neither Kabila nor Tshisekedi consider the other as political rival but as an enemy to combat at all costs. This extremism from both camps precludes any hope of agreement or settlement. Do elections matter? In some respects they do. Elections are part of the democratic process, they are a manifestation of national sovereignty and electoral mobilisation contributes to political awakening. There was significant voter registration and polling which confirms the political maturity of ordinary Congolese. This round of elections, which was paid for in large part by the Congolese themselves (in contrast to the 2006 polling), shows that the government was able to respect international commitments. A stronger case, however, could be made that the elections did not mean much. Most importantly, registration, voting and results reporting were chaotic. The 2006 electoral cycle was unfinished as local-level voting never took place. This deprived the population of proximity with locally elected officials, which is the best way to establish relationships of trust between people and government in true democratic spirit. There was also significant pre-electoral manipulation: the constitutional amendment that replaced the tworound system of voting with a single round (favourable to the incumbent) and the top-down appointments of National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI) members are two striking examples. These problems led to a loss of local and international credibility and significant social frustration. President Kabila is consequently still in a phase of marginalisation and vulnerability. Until recently,