Contrasting intrusion profiles for agreement and anaphora: Experimental and modeling evidence
Contrasting intrusion profiles for agreement and anaphora: Experimental and modeling evidence
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DOI：
10.1016/j.jml.2013.04.003
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发表时间：
2013-08-01
影响因子：
4.3
通讯作者：
Phillips, Colin
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Dillon, Brian;Mishler, Alan;Phillips, Colin
我们通过比较了两个语言依赖性的处理来调查语言表示与记忆访问之间的关系，这些语言依赖性要求理解者检查当前条款的主题是否具有正确的形态特征：主题 - 驱动器一致性和英语反射性解释器。在两个引人注目的实验中，我们研究了结构非法名词短语对反射性和主题驱动因素一致性计算的影响。实验1直接比较了参与者中的两个依赖项。结果表明，与每种依赖关系相关的入侵概况有明显的差异：一致性解决方案在理解中显示明显的入侵效应（如Pearlmutter，Garnsey和Bock，1999年； Wagers，Lau和Phillips，2009年），但反射剂没有显示出这种情况。非法先例的入侵作用（Sturt，2003; Xiang，Dillon，82 Phillips，2009）。实验2复制了反射剂的缺乏，证实了该模式的可靠性并检查了更广泛的特征组合。此外，我们提出了建模证据，表明反身结果最好是通过一种记忆检索机制来捕获的，该机制主要使用句法信息来指导表现器的先决条件检索，与使用的混合形态和句法提示相反，使用的是句法和句法提示。 。尽管一致性和反思性依赖性受到类似的形态协议约束的约束，但在线处理理解者似乎以不同的方式实施了这两个依赖性的约束。 （c）2013 Elsevier Inc.保留所有权利。
We investigated the relationship between linguistic representation and memory access by comparing the processing of two linguistic dependencies that require comprehenders to check that the subject of the current clause has the correct morphological features: subject-verb agreement and reflexive anaphors in English. In two eye-tracking experiments we examined the impact of structurally illicit noun phrases on the computation of reflexive and subject-verb agreement. Experiment 1 directly compared the two dependencies within participants. Results show a clear difference in the intrusion profile associated with each dependency: agreement resolution displays clear intrusion effects in comprehension (as found by Pearlmutter, Garnsey, & Bock, 1999; Wagers, Lau, & Phillips, 2009), but reflexives show no such intrusion effect from illicit antecedents (Sturt, 2003; Xiang, Dillon, 82 Phillips, 2009). Experiment 2 replicated the lack of intrusion for reflexives, confirming the reliability of the pattern and examining a wider range of feature combinations. In addition, we present modeling evidence that suggests that the reflexive results are best captured by a memory retrieval mechanism that uses primarily syntactic information to guide retrievals for the anaphor's antecedent, in contrast to the mixed morphological and syntactic cues used resolve subject-verb agreement dependencies. Despite the fact that agreement and reflexive dependencies are subject to a similar morphological agreement constraint, in online processing comprehenders appear to implement this constraint in distinct ways for the two dependencies. (C) 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.