Aspect splits without ergativity
Aspect splits without ergativity
复制标题
无作格的方面分裂
DOI：
--
复制
发表时间：
2014
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
C. Urk
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Laura Kalin;C. Urk
本文着眼于两个不同的方面分裂新阿拉姆语言是不寻常的，因为他们不涉及任何作格。相反，这些分裂的特点是协议逆转，一种模式，其中协议标记的功能切换之间的方面，虽然一致的对齐仍然是一贯的主格-主格。一些新阿拉姆语言有完全的一致性逆转，影响主语和宾语的一致性（Khan 2002，2008; Coghill 2003）。除此之外，我们描述了一个不同的系统，发现在塞纳亚，我们称之为部分协议逆转。在塞纳亚语中，反转只影响完成体主语的标记，它标记非完成体中的宾语。我们表明，我们讨论的系统的一个统一属性是，在不完全体中存在额外的一致潜力。我们发展了一种解释，在这种解释中，这些分裂的出现是因为在非完成体中引入了一个额外的φ-探测的体貌谓词。这一提议支持了这样一种观点，即体分裂是非完成体中额外谓词的结果（Laka 2006; Coon 2010; Coon and Preminger 2012），因为它允许对分裂作格和一致反转这两种明显不同的现象给予统一的处理。
This paper looks at two different aspect splits in Neo-Aramaic languages that are unusual in that they do not involve any ergativity. Instead, these splits are characterized by agreement reversal, a pattern in which the function of agreement markers switches between aspects, though the alignment of agreement remains consistently nominative-accusative. Some Neo-Aramaic languages have complete agreement reversal, affecting both subject and object agreement (Khan 2002, 2008; Coghill 2003). In addition to this, we describe a different system, found in Senaya, which we call partial agreement reversal. In Senaya, the reversal only affects the marker of the perfective subject, which marks objects in the imperfective. We show that a unifying property of the systems that we discuss is that there is additional agreement potential in the imperfective. We develop an account in which these splits arise because of an aspectual predicate in the imperfective that introduces an additional φ-probe. This proposal provides support for the view that aspect splits are the result of an additional predicate in nonperfective aspects (Laka 2006; Coon 2010; Coon and Preminger 2012), because it allows for the apparently disparate phenomena of split ergativity and agreement reversal to be given a unified treatment.
影响因子：
1.1
作者：
BAERMAN M
通讯作者：
BAERMAN M