American Rage: How Anger Shapes Our Politics. By Steven W. Webster. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. 169p. $89.99 cloth, $29.99 paper.
American Rage: How Anger Shapes Our Politics. By Steven W. Webster. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. 169p. $89.99 cloth, $29.99 paper.
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美国的愤怒：愤怒如何塑造我们的政治。
DOI：
10.1017/s1537592721000281
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发表时间：
2021
影响因子：
3.8
通讯作者：
Davin L. Phoenix
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Davin L. Phoenix
并为茶党的成功以及唐纳德·特朗普的崛起铺平了道路。例如，看看2009-12年茶党在草根阶层获得最大优势的领域与唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)在2016年共和党初选中获得最大成功的领域之间是否存在相关性，这将是一件有趣的事情。我还对这里提出的用来理解一般党内冲突的“反叛派系”框架的效用持怀疑态度。这是因为，正如布鲁姆承认的那样，没有什么能与左翼的茶党相提并论。尽管在两党制中，党内意识形态冲突是不可避免的，民主党人肯定也经历过这种冲突，但左翼在民主党内部的影响力从未达到极右翼在现代共和党内部的水平。我自己的假设是，这反映了美国两党之间的根本差异。包括左翼在内的民主党人希望政府尝试通过实施重大政策改革来解决社会问题。共和党人，尤其是右翼人士，除了减税和逆转民主党人制定的政策外，没有其他积极的议程。因此，左翼活动人士和国会议员可能不愿过于严厉地攻击他们的温和派同僚，因为他们担心破坏该党的立法议程，尤其是在民主党执政的情况下。这一假设即将在拜登政府上任的头两年得到检验。尽管茶党的全盛时期已经过去，但布鲁姆的书为反动保守主义的崛起以及右翼极端主义和激进主义对现代共和党的影响提供了一个重要而及时的视角。对于那些仍然需要说服的人来说，布鲁姆的书提供了大量证据，证明2009-12年的茶党运动为唐纳德·特朗普在2016年接管共和党铺平了道路。即使特朗普离开白宫，他的反动保守主义很可能在很长一段时间内对美国许多地区的共和党保持强大的影响，如果不是主导的话。
of the tea party and paved the way for its success, as well as for the rise of Donald Trump. For example, it would be interesting to see whether there was a correlation between areas where the tea party enjoyed its greatest strength at the grassroots in 2009–12 and where Donald Trump enjoyed his greatest success in Republican primaries in 2016. I am also a little skeptical about the utility of the “insurgent factionalism” framework proposed here for understanding intra-party conflict in general. That is because, as Blum acknowledges, there has been nothing quite comparable to the tea party on the Left. Although intra-party ideological conflict is inevitable in a two-party system, and the Democrats certainly have seen their share of that sort of conflict, the left wing has never had the level of influence within the Democratic Party that the Far Right has had within the modern Republican Party. My own hypothesis is that this reflects a fundamental difference between the two parties in the United States. Democrats, including those on the Left, want the government to try to solve social problems by enacting major policy reforms. Republicans, especially on the Right, have no positive agenda other than cutting taxes and reversing policies enacted by Democrats. As a result, left-wing activists and members of Congress may be reluctant to attack their moderate colleagues too harshly out of fear of undermining the party’s legislative agenda, especially when Democrats are in power. That hypothesis is about to get a test during the first two years of the Biden administration. Even though the tea party’s heyday has passed, Blum’s book provides an important and timely perspective on the rise of reactionary conservatism and the influence of rightwing extremism and activism on the modern Republican Party. For anyone who still needs convincing, Blum’s book provides plenty of evidence that the tea party movement of 2009–12 paved the way for Donald Trump’s takeover of the Republican Party in 2016. Even with Trump out of the White House, his brand of reactionary conservatism is likely to remain a powerful if not dominant influence on the Republican Party in many parts of the United States for a long time.