Land, ethnic, and gender change: Transnational migration and its effects on Guatemalan lives and landscapes
Land, ethnic, and gender change: Transnational migration and its effects on Guatemalan lives and landscapes
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DOI：
10.1016/j.geoforum.2004.12.002
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发表时间：
2006-01-01
期刊：
影响因子：
3.5
通讯作者：
Ruiz, DR
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Taylor, MJ;Moran-Taylor, MJ;Ruiz, DR
从危地马拉移民到美利坚合众国影响到危地马拉生活的许多方面。我们的文件，通过广泛的人种学实地考察，移民和他们的汇款如何影响性别关系，种族，土地使用和土地分配。我们的证据来自四个社区的研究。圣佩德罗皮努拉和瓜兰代表危地马拉东部的社区。圣克里斯托瓦尔托托尼卡潘是危地马拉西部高地的一个土著城镇，圣卢卡斯是危地马拉伊克斯坎省的一个低地边境社区，与墨西哥恰帕斯州接壤。我们的研究结果表明，移民和他们的汇款，社会和有形的，导致在Ixcan的土地利用和土地分配的显着变化。移民的钱使雨林变成了养牛的牧场，也导致土地在移民手中积累。在土地使用方面，我们在圣佩德罗皮努拉看到，移民的钱也使Pokoman玛雅人能够进入Ladino（非土著）主导的养牛业。在圣佩德罗皮努拉，玛雅居民的迁移和回归也使他们能够慢慢挑战过去五个世纪以来形成的种族角色。当我们审视移徙如何影响瓜兰和圣克里斯托瓦尔的性别角色时，我们还注意到，移徙和社会汇款使危地马拉的传统性别角色逐渐受到挑战和侵蚀。然而，我们指出，与移徙有关的传统性别和族裔角色的变化是渐进的，因为移徙者尽管收入增加，认识提高，但却遇到了一种抵制迅速变化的社会结构。当我们在Ixcan中检查土地转换时，情况并非如此。在这里，当移民试图将他们的新资金和想法投入工作时，他们遇到的障碍很少。尽管移徙给许多家庭带来了好处，特别是在国家经济不景气和国家对国家发展无所作为的情况下，但我们得出结论，移徙和汇款不会导致社区或全国的发展。在这一阶段，移民汇款被用于个人发展，很少有资金和精力投入到造福社区或邻里的工作中。我们呼吁在我们初步研究的基础上，继续研究国际移徙对危地马拉家乡的影响，以便更好地了解移徙在一个没有移徙者的社区的国家的长期影响。(c)2005爱思唯尔有限公司保留所有权利。
Migration to the United States of America from Guatemala effects many aspects of Guatemalan life. We document, through extensive ethnographic fieldwork, how migrants and their remittances effect gender relations, ethnicity, land use, and land distribution. Our evidence is drawn from research in four communities. San Pedro Pinula and Gualan represent communities of eastern Guatemala. San Cristobal Totonicapan is an Indigenous town in Guatemala's western highlands, and San Lucas is a lowland frontier community in the Guatemalan department of Ixcan, which borders Chiapas, Mexico. Our results reveal that migrants and their remittances, both social and tangible, result in significant changes in land use and land distribution in Ixcan. Migrant money permits the conversion of rainforest into cattle pasture and also results in the accumulation of land in the hands of migrants. In terms of land use, we see in San Pedro Pinula that migrant money also allows the Pokoman Maya to make small entries into the Ladino (non-indigenous) dominated cattle business. In San Pedro Pinula, the migration and return of Maya residents also permits them to slowly challenge ethnic roles that have developed over the last five centuries. When we look at how migration effects gender roles in Gualan and San Cristobal we also note that migration and social remittances permit a gradual challenge and erosion of traditional gender roles in Guatemala. We point out, however, that migration-related changes to traditional gender and ethnic roles is gradual because migrants, despite their increased earnings and awareness, run into a social structure that resists rapid change. This is not the case when we examine land transformations in Ixcan. Here, migrants encounter few barriers when they attempt to put their new money and ideas to work. Despite the advantages that migration brings to many families, especially in the face of a faltering national economy and state inactivity regarding national development, we conclude that migration and remittances do not result in community or nation-wide development. At this stage migrant remittances are used for personal advancement and very little money and effort is invested in works that benefit communities or neighborhoods. We call for continued studies of the effects of international migration on Guatemalan hometowns that build on our initial studies to better understand the longer-term ramifications of migration in a country where no community is without migrants. (c) 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.