Loss and preservation of case in Germanic non-standard varieties

Loss and preservation of case in Germanic non-standard varieties
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日耳曼非标准品种中格子的丢失和保存

DOI:
10.5334/gjgl.680
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发表时间:
2018
期刊:
Glossa: a journal of general linguistics
影响因子:
--
通讯作者:
Simon Pröll
Simon Pröll
中科院分区:
--
文献类型:
--
作者:
Raffaela Baechler;Simon Pröll

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本文论述了在日耳曼标准和非标准品种的曲折变化,挑战的标准模型的语音驱动的情况下损失有利于一个模型,允许语音,句法和纯粹的形态过程之间的相互作用。在提供了现代标准化的高地德语和瑞典语变体的语言历史证据(这些证据质疑了音位学的排他性作用)之后,我们集中讨论了两个日耳曼语非标准变体:Visperterminen Alemannic,古高地德语的继承者,以及源自古Dalecarlian的Övdalian(古瑞典语被用作古Dalecarlian的代理)。两者都可以作为系统内部形态变化的试验场,因为它们继承了祖先变体的特定语音方面,并且没有受到可能引发外部简化过程的过度语言接触。以这些非标准变体为实证基础,我们在名词性短语层面上考察了屈折格标记缺失的模式和相应的补偿策略。可以看出,虽然名词屈折变化中存在着广泛的融合,但这些融合在与格名词短语中得到了系统的补偿,而不是主格-宾格融合。名词短语中的系统性补偿(非补偿)可以用语序来解释。根据我们的研究结果,我们提出了一个替代模型的形态变化,在日耳曼语,不太容易反证非标准品种。
This paper deals with inflectional change in Germanic standard and non-standard varieties, challenging the standard model of phonologically driven case loss in favour of a model that allows for interaction between phonological, syntactic, and purely morphological processes. After providing evidence from the language histories of the modern, standardised varieties of High German and Swedish which calls into question the exclusive role of phonology, we concentrate on two Germanic non-standard varieties: Visperterminen Alemannic, a successor of Old High German, and Övdalian, which stems from Old Dalecarlian (Old Swedish is used as a proxy to Old Dalecarlian). Both can serve as a testing ground for system-internal morphological change, as they carry on specific phonological aspects of their ancestral varieties, and have not been subject to excessive language contact that could have triggered external simplification processes. Using these non-standard varieties as an empirical base, we examine the patterns of loss of inflectional case marking and corresponding compensation strategies on the level of the nominal phrase. It can be shown that, while there are extensive syncretisms in noun inflection, these are systematically compensated for in the noun phrase for dative, but not for the nominative-accusative syncretism. The systematic (non-)compensation in the noun phrase can be explained by word order. Based on our results, we propose an alternative model for morphological change in Germanic that is less prone to counterevidence from non-standard varieties.