Scope or Pseudoscope? Are there Wide-Scope Indefinites?
Scope or Pseudoscope? Are there Wide-Scope Indefinites?
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范围还是伪镜?
DOI:
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发表时间:
1998
期刊:
影响因子:
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通讯作者:
A. Kratzer
中科院分区:
文献类型:
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作者:
A. Kratzer
(1) has a reading where the indefinite NP a student of mine has scope within the that clause. What the teachers overheard might have been: “A student of Angelika’s was called before the dean”. This reading is expected if indefinite NPs are quantifiers, and quantifier scope is confined to some local domain. (1) has another reading where a student of mine seems to have widest scope, scope even wider than each teacher. There might have been a student of mine, say Sanders, and each teacher overheard the rumor that Sanders was called before the dean. Fodor and Sag argue that this is not an instance of scope. If indefinite NPs seem to have anomalous scope properties, they are not true quantifiers. The apparent wide-scope reading of a student of mine in (1) is really a referential reading. Indefinite NPs, then, are ambiguous between quantificational and referential readings. If they are quantificational, their scope cannot exceed some local domain. If they are referential, they do not have scope at all. They may be easily confused with widest scope existentials, however.