Making the world safe for power transition - Towards a conceptual combination of power transition theory and hegemony theory

Making the world safe for power transition - Towards a conceptual combination of power transition theory and hegemony theory
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让世界对权力转移更加安全——走向权力转移理论与霸权理论的概念结合

DOI:
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发表时间:
2013
期刊:
影响因子:
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通讯作者:
Iris Wurmb
Iris Wurmb
中科院分区:
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作者:
Carsten Raucha;Iris Wurmb

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本文旨在建立一个政治框架,以缓解国际体系中权力转移的危机倾向。一种关注这一现象的方法是权力转移理论,它警告说,崛起的大国接近(衰落的)霸权的情况往往会升级为冲突或战争。特别是,不满意的新兴大国预计将与主导大国发生冲突,并相互冲突。然而,权力转移理论对国际秩序结构的认识是有限的。它忽视了自由主义霸权理论所强调的通过共识而不是强制来统治制度的可能性。将权力转移理论与自由主义霸权理论相结合,可以揭示出先前隐藏的和平权力转移的机会。鉴于中国和印度等国家的长期经济增长,这一发现可能对未来世界秩序治理政治的思考至关重要。近年来,两大流派的文献都涉及国际权力格局的重要性,并日益受到重视。一方面,持续的单极化促使人们重新关注美国作为世界第一强国的角色(Ferguson 2003; Florig 2010; Ikenberry 1999; Layne 2009;汉森2011;布鲁克斯和沃尔福斯,2008)。这一系列的文献援引了帝国的概念,以及霸权的概念,有时混合在一起,使这两个概念成为毫无意义的外壳(Prys和Robel 2011; Herborth和乌尔姆2008; Nexon和Wright 2007)。然而,将这场关于单极性的辩论结合在一起的重要的一点是,人们期望美国保持甚至扩大其作为“同行之首”的非凡地位(Wallerstein 1984:38)。如果我们遵循这一思路,单极,无论采取何种形式,都将继续存在,并将相应地影响国际政治。
Abstract The aim of this paper is to establish a political framework to mitigate the crisis propensity of power transitions in the international system. One approach that focuses on this phenomenon is Power Transition Theory, which warns that situations in which rising powers approach a (declining) hegemon often escalate into conflict or war. Specifically unsatisfied rising powers are expected to come into conflict with the dominant power and each other. Power Transition Theory, however, has only a limited view on the structure of the international order. It overlooks the possibility of ruling the system by consensus rather than by coercion, highlighted by Liberal Hegemony Theory. Merging Power Transition Theory with liberal Hegemony Theory can reveal previously hidden opportunities to manage peaceful power transitions. In the light of the prolonged economic growth of countries like China and India this finding might prove to be crucial for the thinking of future world-order-governance politics. In recent years two strands of literature, both dealing with the importance of the international power configuration, have gained increasing prominence. On the one hand the fact of continued unipolarity motivated a renewed interest in the role of the United States as the world’s largest power (Ferguson 2003; Florig 2010; Ikenberry 1999; Layne 2009; Hansen 2011; Brooks and Wohlforth, 2008). This strand of literature invokes notions of empire, as well as notions of hegemony and sometimes mixes both to an extent that leaves both concepts as meaningless shells (Prys and Robel 2011; Herborth and Wurm 2008; Nexon and Wright 2007). The important thing, however, that unites this unipolarity-debate is that the United States is expected to maintain or even expand its extraordinaire position as ‘primus inter pares’ (Wallerstein 1984: 38). If we follow this line of thought, unipolarity, whichever form it may take, is here to stay and will influence international politics accordingly.
迈向英国学派霸权理论
DOI: 10.1177/1354066109103136
发表时间: 2009
影响因子: 3.4
作者:
Clark I
通讯作者: Clark I