Exploitation and Economic Justice in the Liberal Capitalist State

Exploitation and Economic Justice in the Liberal Capitalist State
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自由资本主义国家的剥削和经济正义

DOI:
10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199664009.001.0001
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发表时间:
2013
影响因子:
0.8
通讯作者:
M. Reiff
M. Reiff
中科院分区:
人文科学4区
文献类型:
--
作者:
M. Reiff

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自由资本主义国家的剥削和经济正义发展了自约翰·罗尔斯和罗纳德·德沃金在20世纪70年代和80年代初提出各自的理论以来出现的第一个新的自由经济正义理论。它通过提出一种新的、自由的、平等的、非马克思主义的剥削理论来做到这一点,该理论旨在成为资本主义的产物,而不是对资本主义的批评。事实上,这本书展示了我们如何使用我们已经接受的资本主义和政治自由主义的前提来调节经济不平等。为了做到这一点,这本书使用了两个概念或工具:一个是对古代公平价格学说的重新构想,另一个是作者自己对不可容忍的不公平的概念。由此产生的理论可以作为差异原则和运气平均主义的补充或替代,这两个理论是当今最受欢迎的自由平等主义经济正义理论。它不仅为提高最低工资、为继续对最富有的社会成员征收遗产税、以及禁止某些类型的投机交易提供了新的、高度热门的具体道德理由,包括如今臭名昭著的信用违约互换(CDS)等衍生品交易,以及其他相关的外来金融工具。最后,它为应对气候变化的某些方面提供了新的具体道德理由,而不管其他国家做了什么。然而,它仍然被设计成一个重叠共识的对象--也就是说,它被设计成可以被那些信奉广泛的全面道德和政治教义的人所接受,不仅是自由平等主义,也包括右翼和左翼自由主义。
Exploitation and Economic Justice in the Liberal Capitalist State develops the first new, liberal theory of economic justice to appear since John Rawls and Ronald Dworkin proposed their respective theories back in the 1970s and early 1980s. It does this by presenting a new, liberal egalitarian, non-Marxist theory of exploitation that is designed to be a creature of capitalism, not a critique of it. Indeed, the book shows how we can regulate economic inequality using the presuppositions of capitalism and political liberalism that we already accept. In doing this, the book uses two concepts or tools: a re-conceived notion of the ancient doctrine of the just price, and the author's own concept of intolerable unfairness. The resulting theory can then function as either a supplement to or a replacement for the difference principle and luck egalitarianism, the two most popular liberal egalitarian theories of economic justice of today. It provides a new, highly-topical, specific moral justification not only for raising the minimum wage, but also for imposing a maximum wage, for continuing to impose an estate tax on the wealthiest members of society, and for prohibiting certain kinds of speculative trading, including trading in derivatives such as the now infamous credit default swap and other related exotic financial instruments. Finally, it provides a new specific moral justification for dealing with certain aspects of climate change now regardless of what other nations do. Yet it is still designed to be the object of an overlapping consensus -- that is, it is designed to be acceptable to those who embrace a wide range of comprehensive moral and political doctrines, not only liberal egalitarianism, but right and left libertarianism too.