Construction land expansion and cultivated land protection in urbanizing China: Insights from national land surveys, 1996–2006
Construction land expansion and cultivated land protection in urbanizing China: Insights from national land surveys, 1996–2006
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DOI：
10.1016/j.habitatint.2014.10.019
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发表时间：
2015-04
影响因子：
6.8
通讯作者：
Tao Liu;Hui Liu;Yuanjing Qi
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Tao Liu;Hui Liu;Yuanjing Qi
由于缺乏准确可靠的数据，中国城市化进程中显著的建设用地开发与耕地保护的关系一直模糊不清。为了填补这些空白，本研究分析了1996年土地调查和随后十年每年进行的土地利用变化调查的系统数据。在经济开发区广泛设立和不断扩大的推动下，2001-2006年中国新增建设用地204万公顷，约为前5年的两倍。直到最近，城市的发展速度才超过城镇。在快速城市化的中国，农村建设用地不仅没有缩小，反而迅速扩大，特别是在农村人口减少的西部省份。从空间上看，东部沿海地区在全国建设用地布局和扩张方面保持领先地位；然而，内陆地区在全国土地开发中所占的份额越来越大。土地调查数据并不支持普遍认为的耕地流失与建设用地增长密切相关的观点，而是显示只有不到20%的耕地被转化为建筑用地。此外，这些农田主要被经济开发区占用，其次是交通和农村定居点，而最常受到批评的城镇扩张贡献最小。从这个意义上说，城市化对农田保护的真正挑战不在于城市地区的必要增长，而在于人口越来越少的农村居民点的不合理扩张。中国旨在控制建设用地增长和防止耕地流失的土地政策被证明是双重失败。控制与保护的关系并不是官方话语中所说的简单的“控制换取保护”；相反，耕地保护也是政府用来抑制城市边缘地带过度征地的口号和借口，以避免或减轻耕地退化、城市土地浪费和社会动荡。在重新审视以大量流动人口为主导、严格控制城市扩张的中国城市化模式后，我们呼吁更多地努力建立城乡建设用地跨区域联动管理，这可能是中国土地可持续发展的合理有效手段。
The remarkable construction land development in urbanizing China has been rarely investigated within the context of the multi-track urbanization process and its relationship with farmland protection has remained vague because of the lack of accurate and reliable data. To fill these gaps, this research analyzed systematic data from the 1996 land survey and the land use change surveys that were conducted annually in the subsequent decade. Driven mainly by the widespread establishment and continuous expansion of economic development zones (EDZs), construction land in China expanded by 2.04 million hectares in 2001–2006, which was approximately twice of that in the previous half-decade. Cities have not grown faster than towns until recently. In rapidly urbanizing China, rural construction land did not shrink but expanded rapidly, especially in the western provinces with a decreasing rural population. Spatially, the eastern coast has maintained its leading position in the construction land distribution and expansion in China; however, the inland regions have contributed an increasing share of national land development. Land survey data did not support the prevailing view that closely connected farmland loss with construction land growth, but showed that only less than 20% of the lost farmland was converted to construction sites. Moreover, this farmland was occupied mostly by EDZs, followed by transportation and rural settlements, whereas the most frequently criticized city and town expansion contributed the least. In this sense, the real challenge of urbanization to farmland protection lies not in the necessary growth of urban areas, but in the irrational expansion of rural settlements that carry increasingly fewer people. Chinese land polices that aim to control construction land growth and prevent cultivated land loss were proved to be a double failure. The control–protection relationship is not simply “control for protection,” as claimed in official discourse; rather, farmland protection is also a slogan and excuse used by the government to restrain the excessive land expropriation in the urban fringe to avoid or mitigate farmland degradation, urban land waste, and social unrest. After reexamining the Chinese urbanization model dominated by the massive floating population and strict and rigid control over urban expansion, we call for more efforts to develop a trans-regional linkage between urban and rural construction land management, which may be a reasonable and effective means for sustainable land development in China.