Free Constituent Order: A Minimalist Interface Account
Free Constituent Order: A Minimalist Interface Account
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DOI：
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发表时间：
2003
期刊：
影响因子：
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通讯作者：
G. Fanselow
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
G. Fanselow
有人声称，德语子句的功能架构涉及诸如[主题]之类的中心词，这些中心词由其信息结构值定义，并且向此类中心词的说明符位置的移动（部分）负责德语中的自由词序。本文认为，这种观点是错误的。 (i) 没有证据表明德语从句的中间字段存在句法定义的主题位置。 (ii) 对于不涉及移动的结构，也必须区分标记序列化和未标记序列化。 (iii) 为了信息结构的利益而进行的运动往往是无私的
It has been claimed that the functional architecture of German clauses involves heads such as [Topic] that are defined by their information structure value, and that movement to the specifier position of such heads is (partially) responsible for free word order in German. This paper argues that this view is misguided. (i) There is no evidence for a syntactically defined topic position in the middle field of German clauses. (ii) The distinction between marked and unmarked serialization must also be made for structures that do not involve movement. (iii) Movement in the interest of information structure is often altruistic