Hoe and Wage: A social history of a circular migration system in West Africa
Hoe and Wage: A social history of a circular migration system in West Africa
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锄头与工资：西非循环移民制度的社会史
DOI：
10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a008074
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发表时间：
1999
期刊：
影响因子：
2.8
通讯作者：
S. Batterbury
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
S. Batterbury
布基纳法索农村居民流向西非城镇和沿海经济体的潮起潮落，是非洲大陆仅次于南非的第二大循环移民系统。农村布基纳法索人大量迁徙到其他地方寻找机会，特别是在旱季的九个月期间。几十年来，这些移民潮的规模一直令政界人士和政府官员感到担忧，但它们一直存在。这本书的价值在于，它解释了当代后殖民时代的流动模式，解释了一种起源于早期殖民时期的依赖关系。这本书有两个主要目的。首先，这是对1988年不幸去世的乔尔·格雷戈里的致敬。他致力于社会的、历史的人口学品牌在这本书中得以延续，这证明了他以及他的密友和同事丹尼斯·科德尔和维克多·皮彻的分析能力。格雷戈里的论点最初是在他的博士论文(康奈尔大学，1974)中阐述的，即劳动力从布基纳法索的农村莫西人和其他群体转移到西非海岸的种植园经济，是蓄意殖民欠发达的表现。法国及其行政精英们强烈鼓励劳工移民。因此，“HOE”(内陆以自给自足为基础的旱地耕作系统)越来越与“工资”(黄金海岸和科特迪瓦的种植园和城市服务部门)联系在一起。格雷戈里认为，这种关系使布基纳法索的农村人口边缘化，使他们在布基纳法索的家中依赖微薄的、遥远的种植园工作来履行他们的经济义务。第二个目的是向读者介绍一个关于人口流动的有趣的历史数据来源--《全国移民调查(1974-1975)》。这本书使用这项调查作为其主要数据来源，尽管它的年龄和局限性。这项调查是在全国11个城市和2个农村地区(调查了41,000名城市居民和52,000名农村人口)进行的，目的是向国家提供信息，帮助制定政策，以减少布基纳法索对流亡者及其汇款的依赖。在实施20年后，这本书重新解释了数据集。这本书首先对非洲的移民研究进行了有益的概述。Amin、Gervais、Hart、Painter、Prothero、Rouch、Swinell和其他人的工作揭露了纯粹以地方为基础的前殖民人口的神话，并对早期殖民时期移民模式的性质有了相当大的了解。两位作者对非洲移民采取了强硬的、唯物主义的立场，这与格雷戈里早期的工作相呼应--他们说，几乎所有的流动都是劳动力，以一种或另一种形式的移民……(第10页)，其中包括出于社会原因(例如婚姻)而进行的旅行，因为它对家庭网络和国内经济产生了经济影响。前几章对布基纳法索早期的殖民移民模式进行了有力的描述，当时布基纳法索人参与了伪自愿种植园劳动、公共工程项目、征兵、贸易、逃往英国殖民地以逃避法语殖民掠夺和高税收，以及开始迁移到新兴城市。但这本书对二战后持续不断的移民潮的解释最令人着迷，因为在这个时候，殖民强迫移民和征兵几乎停止了，格雷戈里的不发达论点似乎不太容易维持。研究表明，战后，摩西和其他团体建立了圆周运动的模式，
The ebb and flow of residents of rural Burkina Faso to West Africa's towns, cities, and coastal economies is the continent's second-largest circular migration system, after that of South Africa. Rural Burkinabes move in large numbers to seek opportunities elsewhere, particularly during the nine months of the dry season. The scale of these migrant streams has worried politicians and administrators for decades, but they have endured. The value of this book is that it explains contemporary, postcolonial patterns of movement in terms of a'dependency relationship that has its origins in the early colonial period. The volume has two major purposes. Firstly it is a tribute to Joel Gregory, who died tragically in 1988. His brand of socially committed, historical demography lives on in this volume, which attests to the analytical power of his work and that of his close friends and colleagues, Dennis Cordell and Victor Piche. Gregory's argument, first expounded in his PhD dissertation (Cornell University, 1974), was that the workforce transfer of rural Mossi and other groups from Burkina Faso to the plantation economy of the West African coast was a manifestation of deliberate colonial underdevelopment. Labour migration was strongly encouraged by France and its administrative elites. Thus the'Hoe'(subsistence-based dryland farming systems of the interior) became more and more linked to the" Wage'(the plantations and the urban service sector in the Gold Coast and Cote d'lvoire). Gregory argued that this relationship marginalized Burkina's rural populations, keeping them reliant on poorly paid, distant plantation work to meet their financial obligations at home in Burkina. The second purpose is to present the reader with an interesting historical data source on population movements, the National Survey of Migration (1974—1975). The book uses this survey as its primary data source, despite its age and its limitations. The survey, conducted with the aim of providing the State with information to help design pohcy to reduce Burkina's reliance on its exodants and their remittances, was made in eleven cities and two rural areas (41,000 urban dwellers and 52,000 rural people were surveyed) across the country. Twenty years after it was carried out, the book re-interprets the dataset. The book begins with a useful overview of migration studies in Africa. The work of Amin, Gervais, Hart, Painter, Prothero, Rouch, Swindell and others has exposed the myth of a purely place-based precolonial population and has shed considerable light on the nature of migration patterns in the early colonial period. The authors adopt a hard-line, materialist position on African migration, that echoes Gregory's early work—they say that'virtually all mobility is labor, migration in one form or another...'(p. 10) and they include travel undertaken for'social'reasons (marriage, for example) within this, because of its economic effects on household networks and the domestic economy. Early chapters offer a strong account of the early colonial migration pattern in Burkina Faso, when Burkinabes were involved in pseudo-voluntary plantation labour, public works projects, military conscription, trade, flight to British colonies to escape francophone colonial predations and high taxes, as well beginning to move to the emerging cities. But the explanations the book then offers for continued post World War II migration streams are most fascinating, since at this time the colonial forced migration and conscription all but ceased, and Gregory's' underdevelopmenr* thesis would appear less easy to sustain. It is shown that after the War the Mossi and other groups established patterns of circular movement that