Introduction: Values and Valuations in Market Practice

Introduction: Values and Valuations in Market Practice
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简介:市场实践中的价值和估值

DOI:
10.1080/17530350.2013.838187
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发表时间:
2013
影响因子:
1.9
通讯作者:
H. Kjellberg
H. Kjellberg
中科院分区:
法学4区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Claes;H. Kjellberg

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市场是行为者努力解决价值和估值问题的场所。从广义上讲,经济交换的完成涉及对交换对象进行资格鉴定的努力(Callon et al. 2002; Beckert & Aspers 2011),从而在某些方面评估其价值。在某些市场,特别是金融市场,市场参与者甚至被建议使用市场来实验和测试他们的(经济)价值理论(Beunza & Stark 2005)。但是,最近在测试或执行经济模型和理论方面对市场的关注在一定程度上掩盖了市场作为多种社会,文化和政治价值观发挥作用的场所的作用。因此,我们很高兴看到最近有几项研究调查了金融市场以外其他环境中的价值问题(在金融市场中,经济理论的表演性无疑是很方便的)。这些研究探讨了行为者如何容纳和调解各种各样的价值登记册作为表演市场的一部分。事实上,它们表明,许多市场是在几种社会秩序重叠的环境中运行的。例如,我们想到了Ikiring Onyas(2012年)对乌干达咖啡市场的研究,该研究表明,农民和贸易商在试图区分可持续咖啡市场时,如何将耕作和加工技术与估值和计算做法结合起来。另一个例子是审查行为者如何寻求改革瑞典初级卫生保健服务市场,旨在制定规则,使“特别考虑”与“卫生保健”相一致。贫困患者的护理需求与自由选择和竞争中立有关(Johansson Krafve 2012,p. 52)。其他研究表明,价值观和估值在以下方面的重要性:改变仅能维持生计的市场(Lindeman 2012年)、在市场中引入“绿色”价值观(Reijonen和Tryggestad 2012年)、共同创造三重底线市场(Peñaloza和Mish 2011年)以及零售市场的日常管理(Azimont 2010年)。这些研究是新兴的“市场研究”的一部分,重点是在广泛的环境中与市场和经济行动有关的现行做法(另见Araujo等人,2010年)。这项工作强调了调查市场和经济行为的配置和执行的各种设置的重要性。因此,它为以下主张提供了支持:从学术和政策角度来看,对于市场内部和周围发生的事情,给予大型金融市场太多的标志性地位是有害的。此外,它强调了我们如何界定什么应该被视为经济行动和价值观的重要性。所引用的贡献既有助于
Markets are sites where actors grapple with questions of value and valuation. Broadly speaking, the consummation of an economic exchange involves efforts to qualify the object that is exchanged (Callon et al. 2002; Beckert & Aspers 2011) and hence assess its value in certain dimensions. In some markets, notably financial markets, market participants have even been suggested to use the market to experiment and test their theories of (economic) value (Beunza & Stark 2005). But, the recent attention to markets in testing or performing economic models and theories has to some extent overshadowed the role of markets as venues where multiple social, cultural and political values are also at play. It is therefore welcome to see several recent studies investigating questions of value in other settings than the financial markets (where the performativity of economic theories admittedly is conveniently examined). These studies address how actors accommodate and mediate a wide variety of value registers as part of performing markets. Indeed, they illustrate that many markets are performed in settings where several social orderings overlap. We are thinking, for instance, of Ikiring Onyas’ (2012) study of the Ugandan coffee market, which shows how both farmers and traders align farming and processing techniques with valuation and calculation practices as they attempt to distinguish a market for sustainable coffee. Another example is the examination of how actors seek to reform the Swedish market for primary health care services aiming to construct rules that align a ‘special consideration to ... the care needs of underprivileged patients’ with values pertaining to free choice and competitive neutrality (Johansson Krafve 2012, p. 52). Other studies have illustrated the import of values and valuations in efforts to change markets in subsistence contexts (Lindeman 2012), in efforts to introduce ‘green’ values in markets (Reijonen & Tryggestad 2012), in efforts to co-create triple bottom line markets (Peñaloza & Mish 2011), and in the mundane management of retail markets (Azimont 2010). These studies are part of an emerging body of ‘market studies’ focusing on the ongoing practices related to markets and economic action in a wide range of settings (see also Araujo et al. 2010). This work stresses the importance of investigating the variety of settings in which markets and economic actions are configured and performed. As such, it provides support for the claim that it is detrimental from both scholarly and policy perspectives to give large financial markets too much of an iconic status regarding what is going on in and around markets. Moreover, it highlights the import of how we delineate what should count as economic action and values. The cited contributions serve both to