The Trajectory of Global Education Policy: Community-Based Management in El Salvador and the Global Reform Agenda by D. Brent EdwardsJr. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2018. 304 pp. $109.00 (eBook). ISBN 978-1-137-50875-1.
The Trajectory of Global Education Policy: Community-Based Management in El Salvador and the Global Reform Agenda by D. Brent EdwardsJr. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2018. 304 pp. $109.00 (eBook). ISBN 978-1-137-50875-1.
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全球教育政策的轨迹：萨尔瓦多的社区管理和全球改革议程 作者：D. Brent EdwardsJr。
DOI：
10.1086/698352
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发表时间：
2018
影响因子：
1.8
通讯作者：
Iveta Silova
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Iveta Silova
这本书从一个彻底的历史概述开始，仔细定位在萨尔瓦多萨尔瓦多，拉丁美洲和世界的地缘政治背景下的EDUCO案件，讨论在二战后背景下权力下放的更大趋势，冷战动态伴随着共产主义的非理性“红色恐慌”，以及美国支持的长达12年的残酷内战（1980-92年），这场内战使萨尔瓦多的教育体系成为废墟。爱德华兹将背景问题置于其分析的最前沿，仔细研究了地方、国家和区域背景的变化在多大程度上影响了跨国政策转移的轨迹。从一个纵向案例研究（在萨尔瓦多收集了9个月）的丰富的定性数据，这本书提供了一个创新的方法来分析和介绍数据，包括政策内容跟踪，行为者影响矩阵，和多个背景图表。所出现的是一个背景丰富，全面，细致的帐户EDUCO的轨迹从一个小试点计划在萨尔瓦多萨尔瓦多到全球最佳实践在三十年来。理论上，爱德华兹质疑的假设，许多研究全球教育政策转移，突出了碎片化的，（而不是理性和整体的）个人的本质，同时偏离了国家是社会生活中心的概念（13）。这本书有效地弥合了全球/地方鸿沟，使重点多层次（地方，国家和国际）的政治如何教育的形成，并成为全球推广。爱德华兹研究了影响EDUCO作为全球教育政策轨迹的物质-观念条件。他认为，当国家和全球利益在政治经济和制度因素的基础上保持一致，同时应对地方层面的需求和限制时，EDUCO作为一场全球新自由主义改革而启动。在此背景下，EDUCO的故事是从多种机制和途径来讲述的，如传播、协调、标准化、援助的提供和管理、国家行为者的社会化等。爱德华兹令人信服地指出，这些机制和途径导致了EDUCO意想不到的蜕变，确定了其全球轨迹，并使其具有跨国影响力。这本书无疑增加了我们对教育政策转移过程和政治中固有的复杂性的理解。这本书中我最喜欢的部分--也许是妙语--是它与比较教育和国际教育实践的直接联系。这本书是基于一个熟悉的情节：在20世纪80年代后期，关于权力下放的多种竞争思想存在于萨尔瓦多;进步的计划逻辑逐渐被国际政策企业家“净化”，有利于教师问责制，教育效率，经济效率和成本回收;该计划的新自由主义版本被国际发展机构采用，并在世界各地出售（233）。还有一系列人们熟悉的活动，通过这些活动，改革得以在全球范围内传播（即自1950年代该领域成立以来我们一直依赖的活动），包括世界银行资助的考察图尔斯，为许多国家的代表考察EDUCO的经验（例如，阿根廷、孟加拉国、乍得、多米尼加共和国、加纳、洪都拉斯、马达加斯加、尼加拉瓜、塞内加尔和泰国，例如，萨尔瓦多教育部官员出国旅行，在重大国际活动中分享教育方案的经验（也由世界银行和其他国际机构资助）。当然，还有...
The book begins with a thorough historical overview, carefully locating the case of EDUCO within the geopolitical context of El Salvador, Latin America, and the world, discussing the larger trends of decentralization in a post-WWII context, Cold War dynamics accompanied by the irrational “red scare” of communism, and the brutal 12-year US-backed civil war (1980–92) that left El Salvador’s educational system in ruins. Edwards brings the issue of context to the forefront of his analysis, carefully scrutinizing the extent to which shifts in the local, national, and regional contexts affected the trajectory of transnational policy transfer. Drawing on rich qualitative data from a longitudinal case study (collected over a period of 9 months in El Salvador), the book offers an innovative approach to data analysis and presentation, including policy content tracing, actor-influenced matrixes, and multiple context charts. What emerges is a contextually rich, comprehensive, and meticulous account of EDUCO’s trajectory from a small pilot program in El Salvador to a globalbest practice over the three decades.Theoretically, Edwards problematizes the assumptions of much research on global education policy transfer, highlighting the fragmented and becoming (rather than the rational and holistic) nature of individuals while decentering the notion that the state is the center of social life (13). The book effectively bridges the global/local divide by bringing into focus the multilevel (local, national, and international) politics of how EDUCO was formed and became globally promoted. Edwards examines the material-ideational conditions that affected the trajectory of EDUCO as a global education policy. He argues that EDUCO took off as a global neoliberal reform when national and global interests aligned based on constellations of politicaleconomic and institutional factors, while at the same time responding to the needs and constraints at the local level. In this context, EDUCO’s story is told in terms of multiple mechanisms and pathways, such as dissemination, harmonization, standardization, aid provision and management, national actor socialization, and others. These mechanisms and pathways, Edwards convincingly argues, led to EDUCO’s unexpected metamorphosis, defining its global trajectory and enabling its transnational influence. This book certainly adds to our understanding of the complexity inherent in the processes—and politics—of education policy transfer. My favorite part of the book—perhaps the punch line—is its direct connection to the practice of comparative and international education. The book is based on a familiar plot: multiple competing ideas about decentralization existed in El Salvador in the late 1980s; the progressive program logic became gradually “sanitized” by international policy entrepreneurs in favor of teacher accountability, educational effectiveness, economic efficiency, and cost recovery; the neoliberal version of the program was picked up by the international development agencies and offered (sold) around the world (233). There is also a familiar set of activities by which reforms spread globally (ie, activities we have relied on since the inception of the field in the 1950s), including World Bank–financed study tours to examine the EDUCO experience for representatives from many countries (eg, Argentina, Bangladesh, Chad, Dominican Republic, Ghana, Honduras, Madagascar, Nicaragua, Senegal, and Thailand, to name a few) or the travel of El Salvadoran Ministry officials abroad to share the experience of the EDUCO program at major international events (also funded by the World Bank and other international agencies). Of course, there also has …