ERP manifestations of processing printed words at different psycholinguistic levels: Time course and scalp distribution
ERP manifestations of processing printed words at different psycholinguistic levels: Time course and scalp distribution
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DOI：
10.1162/089892999563373
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发表时间：
1999-05-01
影响因子：
3.2
通讯作者：
Pernier, J
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Bentin, S;Mouchetant-Rostaing, Y;Pernier, J
本研究的目的是检查的时间过程和头皮分布的电生理表现的视觉文字识别机制。在被试完成一系列古怪任务的同时，记录了视觉呈现词汇表诱发的事件相关电位（ERP）。指定的目标和非目标刺激之间的区别被操纵，以诱导在每个会话（视觉，语音/语音，语音/词汇，语义）的处理不同的水平。本研究主要关注的是非靶刺激诱发的事件相关电位。在视觉任务中，目标是非目标的两倍大。单词、假词、辅音字符串、字母数字符号字符串和形式字符串在170毫秒（N170）处引起一个尖锐的负峰;它们的分布仅限于枕颞部位。对于左半球的电极网站，N170是大于正交比nonorthographic刺激，反之亦然，右半球。所有的正字法刺激引起的ERP形成了一个明显不同的集群，这是从nonorthographic刺激引起的ERP不同。在语音/语音的决定任务的目标是单词和假词押韵的法语单词vitrail，而非目标的单词，假词，辅音串不押韵的vitrail。最明显的电位是在320毫秒处的负峰，这同样是由可发音的刺激引起的，但不是由不可发音的刺激引起的。N320分布在双侧颞叶中部，左半球显著大于右半球。在语音/词汇加工任务中，我们比较了辅音串（其中单词被选中），假词（其中单词被选中）和单词（其中假词被选中）引起的ERP。在这些任务中，最显著的电位是由语音上法律的而不是由语音上非法的刺激引起的峰值在350毫秒（N350）的负电位。N350的分布与N320相似，但它更广泛，包括在“押韵”任务中未被激活的颞顶叶区域。最后，在语义任务的目标是抽象的话，和非目标是具体的话，假词，和辅音字符串。在这个任务中的负电位峰值为450毫秒。与词汇判断不同，在这个任务中的负峰不仅显着区分语音上的法律的和非法的话，但也有意义的（字）和无意义的（假词）语音上的法律的结构。N450的分布不仅包括词汇判断任务中激活的脑区，还包括额中央区。目前的数据证实了其他神经影像学方法提出的单词识别系统的功能神经解剖学，并描述了它们的时间过程，支持级联型过程，涉及不同但相互关联的神经模块，每个模块负责不同级别的处理单词相关信息。
The aim of the present study was to examine the time course and scalp distribution of electrophysiological manifestations of the visual word recognition mechanism. Event-related potentials (ERPs) elicited by visually presented lists of words were recorded while subjects were involved in a series of oddball tasks. The distinction between the designated target and nontarget stimuli was manipulated to induce a different level of processing in each session (visual, phonological/phonetic, phonological/lexical, and semantic). The ERPs of main interest in this study were those elicited by nontarget stimuli. In the visual task the targets were twice as big as the nontargets. Words, pseudowords, strings of consonants, strings of alphanumeric symbols, and strings of forms elicited a sharp negative peak at 170 msec (N170); their distribution was limited to the occipito-temporal sites. For the left hemisphere electrode sites, the N170 was larger for orthographic than for nonorthographic stimuli and vice versa for the right hemisphere. The ERPs elicited by all orthographic stimuli formed a clearly distinct cluster that was different from the ERPs elicited by nonorthographic stimuli. In the phonological/phonetic decision task the targets were words and pseudowords rhyming with the French word vitrail, whereas the nontargets were words, pseudowords, and strings of consonants that did not rhyme with vitrail. The most conspicuous potential was a negative peak at 320 msec, which was similarly elicited by pronounceable stimuli but not by nonpronounceable stimuli. The N320 was bilaterally distributed over the middle temporal lobe and was significantly larger over the left than over the right hemisphere. In the phonological/lexical processing task we compared the ERPs elicited by strings of consonants (among which words were selected), pseudowords (among which words were selected), and by words (among which pseudowords were selected). The most conspicuous potential in these tasks was a negative potential peaking at 350 msec (N350) elicited by phonologically legal but not by phonologically illegal stimuli. The distribution of the N350 was similar to that of the N320, but it was broader and including temporo-parietal areas that were not activated in the "rhyme" task. Finally, in the semantic task the targets were abstract words, and the nontargets were concrete words, pseudowords, and strings of consonants. The negative potential in this task peaked at 450 msec. Unlike the lexical decision, the negative peak in this task significantly distinguished not only between phonologically legal and illegal words but also between meaningful (words) and meaningless (pseudowords) phonologically legal structures. The distribution of the N450 included the areas activated in the lexical decision task but also areas in the fronto-central regions. The present data corroborated the functional neuroanatomy of word recognition systems suggested by other neuroimaging methods and described their timecourse, supporting a cascade-type process that involves different but interconnected neural modules, each responsible for a different level of processing word-related information.