Interplay between syntax and semantics during sentence comprehension: ERP effects of combining syntactic and semantic violations

Interplay between syntax and semantics during sentence comprehension: ERP effects of combining syntactic and semantic violations
复制标题

DOI:
10.1162/089892903322370807
复制
发表时间:
2003-08-15
影响因子:
3.2
通讯作者:
Hagoort, P
Hagoort, P
中科院分区:
医学3区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Hagoort, P

文献摘要

被引文献

相似文献

本研究探讨了语义和句法相结合的违规行为与单个语义和单个句法违规行为对语言相关事件相关脑电位(ERP)效应(N400和P600/SPS)的影响。句法违规包括语法性别或数量特征的不匹配的定冠词和名词在句内或句末名词短语(NP)。语义违规包括语义上令人难以置信的形容词-名词组合在相同的NP。句法违反和语义违反的组合是这两种违反类型的总和。当受试者对不同类型的违规句子和正确的控制句子做出反应时,记录ERP。ERP效果相对于ERP引起的内部或最终的名词。N400效应的语义违反的大小增加了一个额外的语法违反(语法提升)。与此相反,P600/SPS的大小的语法违反不受额外的语义违反。这表明,在没有句法歧义的情况下,句法结构的分配与语义语境无关。然而,语义整合受句法加工的影响。在最后一个位置,由于句子中的早期违反,获得了额外的全局处理结果。由此产生的增加N400振幅到最后的话是独立的性质的违规。一个快速的异常检测任务显示,它需要更长的时间来检测语义比语法异常。这些结果进行了讨论的N400和P600/SPS效应的潜伏期和处理特性。总的来说,结果,揭示了一个不对称的句法和语义之间的相互作用在网上句子理解。
This study investigated the effects of combined semantic and syntactic violations in relation to the effects of single semantic and single syntactic violations on language-related event-related brain potential (ERP) effects (N400 and P600/SPS). Syntactic violations consisted of a mismatch in grammatical gender or number features of the definite article and the noun in sentence-internal or sentence-final noun phrases (NPs). Semantic violations consisted of semantically implausible adjective-noun combinations in the same NPs. Combined syntactic and semantic violations were a summation of these two respective violation types. ERPs were recorded while subjects react the sentences with the different types of violations and the correct control sentences. ERP effects were computed relative to ERPs elicited by the sentence-internal or sentence-final nouns. The size of the N400 effect to the semantic violation was increased by an additional syntactic violation (the syntactic boost). In contrast, the size of the P600/SPS to the syntactic violation was not affected by an additional semantic violation. This suggests that in the absence of syntactic ambiguity, the assignment of syntactic Structure is independent of semantic context. However, semantic integration is influenced by syntactic processing. In the sentence-final position, additional global processing consequences were obtained as a result of earlier violations in the sentence. The resulting increase in the N400 amplitude to sentence-final words was independent of the nature of the violation. A speeded anomaly detection task revealed that it takes substantially longer to detect semantic than syntactic anomalies. These results are discussed in relation to the latency and processing characteristics of the N400 and P600/SPS effects. Overall, the result,; reveal an asymmetry in the interplay between syntax and semantics during on-line sentence comprehension.