The Myth of A.D. 1680: New Evidence from Hanga Ho`onu Rapa Nui (Easter Island)
The Myth of A.D. 1680: New Evidence from Hanga Ho`onu Rapa Nui (Easter Island)
复制标题
公元 1680 年的神话:Hanga Ho`onu Rapa Nui(复活节岛)的新证据
DOI:
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发表时间:
2009
期刊:
影响因子:
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通讯作者:
S. Haoa
中科院分区:
文献类型:
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作者:
Mara A. Mulrooney;T. Ladefoged;C. Stevenson;S. Haoa
The “collapse” of pre-industrial societies the world has become a central theme in popular and scientific writing (see, for example, Diamond 2005; Morrison 2006). In these discussions, scholars have looked at a variety of factors viewed as central to demographic collapse and political failure that include: a) the role of climate in the destabilization of ancient economies (deMenocal 2001); b) the intensification of agriculture and declining productivity (Tainter 2006); c) environmental degradation (Bahn & Flenley 1992); and d) Western contact and the introduction of European diseases (Ramenofsky 1987; Stannard 1989). Previous discussions of Rapa Nui (Easter Island) culture history fall under this rubric and Rapa Nui has been portrayed as a prime example of a society that destroyed itself due to environmental degradation and resource depletion coupled with an increasing population. According to most authors, this led to political instability and upheaval that resulted in major social and religious transformations (see Bahn & Flenley 1992; Flenley & Bahn 2003; Diamond 2005, 2007; Kirch 2000). The timing of these processes on Rapa Nui has been an issue, and the year A.D. 1680 has been noted by numerous scholars as a key date for sociopolitical change (see, for example, Ayres 1975; Bahn 1993; Diamond 2005, 2007; Flenley 1979, 1996; Heyerdahl & Ferdon 1965; Horrocks & Wozniak 2008; Stevenson 1984, 1997). It was in or around this year that the legendary battle between the Hanau Eepe (recorded alternatively as meaning “fat or heavy-set people” (correctly) or “long ears” (incorrectly); see Mulloy 1993) and the Hanau Momoko (interpreted as “thin, slender people” or “short ears”, correctly and incorrectly, respectively; see Mulloy 1993) was said to have occurred at the Poike Ditch (Heyerdahl & Ferdon 1965). Information about this battle is based on oral traditions recorded ethnographically (Englert 1948; Métraux 1940; Routledge 1919; Thomson 1891). The calculation of the date of the battle comes from genealogical estimations (Englert 1948), as well as a single radiocarbon date obtained at the Poike Ditch during Thor Heyerdahl’s Norwegian Expedition excavations in 1955 (Smith 1961a). However, more recent archaeological excavations have shown that there is little archaeological evidence to substantiate the story of the battle at this location (Vargas et al. 1990, 2006; also see Smith 1990; Van Tilburg 1994). Nonetheless, the date of A.D. 1680 has, for many scholars, continued to be referenced as the most significant in Rapa Nui culture history. In this paper, we explore what we refer to as “the myth of A.D. 1680” by critically examining the origins of the use of this date, its significance in Rapa Nui culture history, and interpretations that have been made by researchers during the past 50 years. We suggest that the date of A.D. 1680 has often been wrongly interpreted and erroneously projected onto the archaeological record. This date has been used as shorthand to describe numerous changes to Rapa Nui society, which have not been securely documented. We present preliminary results of obsidian hydration dating (OHD) and radiocarbon dating from Hanga Ho‘onu that indicate Rapa Nui society did not “collapse” in the late 17th century, rather only exhibited dramatic changes to human demography and settlement following European contact in 1722.