Morphological Conditions on Regular Sound Change?: A Reanalysis of *l-loss in Paamese and Southeast Ambrym
Morphological Conditions on Regular Sound Change?: A Reanalysis of *l-loss in Paamese and Southeast Ambrym
复制标题
规则声音变化的形态条件？：Paamese 和东南 Ambrym 中 *l-loss 的重新分析
DOI：
10.1353/ol.0.0030
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发表时间：
2009
影响因子：
0.9
通讯作者：
J. Lynch
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Juliette Blevins;J. Lynch
北方帕阿姆语和东南安布里姆语是瓦努阿图中部的两种语言，它们有一套共同的音变，包括发声和 *l的丢失。这种声音变化的一个子部分导致 *l词的丢失-最初在非高元音之前。这种语音变化的一个有趣的方面是，它似乎适用于除动词以外的所有词类。事实上，克劳利（Crowley，1997）认为，北方帕美语 * l丢失是一个明显的语音变化与语法条件反射的例子。在本文中，我们认为，语音和形态方面的动词屈折范式引起了明显的例外性 * l-损失在这两种语言。语音因素导致 *l的延续，而屈折范式的结构导致所有动词中预期会丢失的首字母/l/的类比恢复。在这种分析下，可以看出，最初的 * l-损失无一例外地适用，没有语法条件。
Northern Paamese and Southeast Ambrym, two languages of Central Vanuatu, share a set of sound changes involving vocalization and loss of *l. One subpart of this sound change results in loss of *l word-initially before nonhigh vowels. An interesting aspect of this sound change is that it appears to apply in all word classes except verbs. Indeed, Crowley (1997) suggests that Northern Paamese *l-loss is a clear case of sound change with grammatical conditioning. In this paper we suggest that phonological and morphological aspects of verbal inflectional paradigms have given rise to the apparent exceptionality of *l-loss in these two languages. Phonological factors result in continuation of *l, while the structure of inflectional paradigms has given rise to analogical restoration of initial /l/ in all verbs where it is expected to be lost. Under this analysis, initial *l-loss can be seen to have applied without exception, and without grammatical conditioning.