Multi-dimensional contributions to garden path strength: Dissociating phrase structure from case marking

Multi-dimensional contributions to garden path strength: Dissociating phrase structure from case marking
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DOI:
10.1016/j.jml.2004.06.011
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发表时间:
2004-11-01
影响因子:
4.3
通讯作者:
Friederici, AD
Friederici, AD
中科院分区:
心理学2区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Bornkessel, I;McElree, B;Friederici, AD

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心理语言学对重分析现象的研究主要集中在短语结构的修正上。在这里,我们确定了句法再分析的另一个子成分,即格标记的修正。重新分析的这一方面是通过考察德语主语宾语的歧义来分离出来的,这些歧义需要修改为与格-首字母顺序。由于与格-首字母顺序可能是无标记的,因此不需要对短语结构进行更正,但必须修改原始的、基于偏好的主格分配。实验1是一项ERP研究,发现N400成分用于格标记的再分析,而P600成分用于短语结构修改。实验2重现了对N400的重新分析,实验2还表明,与格-声母顺序的直接词汇支持会导致与格-声母顺序效应的减弱。最后,在实验3中,由速度-精度权衡(SAT)程序提供的直接时间进程测量通过表明假设涉及案例再分析(与格-初始结构)的条件比其提名-初始对应的条件需要更长的计算时间来支持案例再分析。然而,特定词位对与格-初始阅读的支持并不会导致对目标结构的更快计算。而是增加了计算出正确解释的可能性。我们将这些发现解释为德语中普遍存在的无标记与格-主格语序的证据,这种语序的可及性可以通过词汇信息来增加。此外,数据表明,句法再分析并不是一个同质的过程。而是可以沿着在确定总体花园小路强度时相互作用的几个维度进行细分。(C)2004 Elsevier Inc.保留所有权利。
Psycholinguistic investigations of reanalysis phenomena have typically focused on revisions of phrase structure. Here, we identify a further subcomponent of syntactic reanalysis, namely the revision of case marking. This aspect of reanalysis was isolated by examining German subject object ambiguities that require a revision towards a dative-initial order. Since dative-initial orders are potentially unmarked, no phrase structure corrections are required, but the original, preference-based nominative assignment must be revised. Experiment 1, an ERP study, revealed an N400 component for reanalysis of case marking, which contrasted with a P600 component for phrase structure revisions. The 're-analysis N400' was replicated in Experiment 2, which also showed that direct lexical support for a dative-initial order leads to a reduction of the effect. Finally, in Experiment 3, direct time course measures provided by the speed-accuracy trade-off (SAT) procedure supported the case reanalysis account by showing that conditions hypothesized to involve case reanalysis (dative-initial structures) require longer computation times than their nominative-initial counterparts. Lexeme-specific support for the dative-initial reading, however, does not lead to a faster computation of the target structure. but rather increases the likelihood that the correct interpretation will be computed. We interpret these findings as evidence for the general availability of an unmarked dative-nominative word order in German, the accessibility of which may be increased by lexical information. Moreover, the data show that syntactic reanalysis is not a homogeneous process. but may rather be subdivided along several dimensions that interact in determining overall garden path strength. (C) 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.