Conspiracy Theories are for Losers

Conspiracy Theories are for Losers
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阴谋论是失败者的专利

DOI:
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发表时间:
2011
期刊:
影响因子:
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通讯作者:
Bethany Torres
Bethany Torres
中科院分区:
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文献类型:
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作者:
J. Uscinski;Joseph M Parent;Bethany Torres

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是什么推动了美国的阴谋论?阴谋论可能破坏政府政策的合法性和有效性,有时甚至导致暴力。不幸的是,以前关于这个主题的研究都是轶事和印象主义的。为了解决这个问题,我们试图在大众和精英层面上首次系统地收集阴谋论的数据,方法是检查1897年至2010年出版的致《纽约时报》编辑的信件,以及来自《芝加哥论坛报》的验证样本。我们认为,国际和国内冲突所表明的感知权力不对称,会影响阴谋论何时以及为什么在美国产生共鸣。基于这种推理,阴谋论符合一种战略逻辑,有助于弱势群体管理威胁。此外,我们发现,国内党派分歧的双方平等地参与阴谋理论,虽然在一个交替的模式,和外国阴谋理论排挤国内阴谋理论在外国威胁加剧。
What drives conspiracy theorizing in the United States? Conspiracy theories can undermine the legitimacy and efficacy of government policy, and sometimes lead to violence. Unfortunately prior studies on the topic have been anecdotal and impressionistic. For purchase on this problem, we attempt the first systematic data collection of conspiracy theories at the mass and elite levels by examining published letters to the editor of the New York Times from 1897 to 2010 and a validating sample from the Chicago Tribune. We argue that perceived power asymmetries, indicated by international and domestic conflicts, influence when and why conspiracy theories resonate in the U.S. On this reasoning, conspiracy theories conform to a strategic logic that helps vulnerable groups manage threats. Further, we find that both sides of the domestic partisan divide partake in conspiracy theorizing equally, though in an alternating pattern, and foreign conspiracy theories crowd out domestic conspiracy theories during heightened foreign threat.