FEMINISM AND INTERNATIONALISM
FEMINISM AND INTERNATIONALISM
复制标题
女权主义与国际主义
DOI:
10.1111/j.1467-9973.1996.tb00878.x
复制
发表时间:
1996
期刊:
影响因子:
0.5
通讯作者:
M. Nussbaum
中科院分区:
文献类型:
--
作者:
M. Nussbaum
204 MARTHA NUSSBAUM low respect. Their situation in the workplace is frequently undermined by discrimination and sexual harassment. Women are much less likely than men to be literate. In South Asia, female literacy rates average around 50% those of males, and in other regions the rate is still lower. Two thirds of the world's illiterate people are women. In higher education, women lag even further behind men, in both developing and industrial nations. Some countries still do not allow women the vote. There are also many informal obstacles to women's effective participation in political life. Almost everywhere, they are underrepresented in government. As Metha Bai's story indicates, employment outside the home has a close relationship to health and nutrition. So too, frequently, does political voice. And if we now turn, in fact, to the very basic issue of health and survival, we find compelling evidence of discrimination against females in many nations of the world. It appears that when equal nutrition and health care are present women live, on average, slightly longer than men-even allowing for a modest level of maternal mortality. In some regions where there is great poverty, there is still little evidence of gender discrimination in basic health and nutrition: thus the sex ratio in Sub-Saharan Africa is 102.2/100.5 If we now examine the sex ratio in various other countries and ask the question," How many more women than are now in country C would be there if its sex ratio were the same as that of Sub-Saharan Africa?," we get a number that Amartya Sen has graphically called the number of" missing women." The number of missing women in Southeast Asia is 2.4 millions, in Latin America 4.4, in North Africa 2.4, in Iran 1.4, in China 44.0, in Bangladesh 3.7, in India 36.7, in Pakistan 5.2, in West Asia 4.3. Poverty alone does not cause women to die in greater numbers than men. When there is a scarcity, custom and political arrangement frequently decree who gets to eat the little there is, and who gets taken to the doctor. And custom and political arrangement are always crucial in deciding who gets to perform wage labor outside the home, an important determinant of general status in the family and community. Custom and politics decree who gets access to the education that would open job opportunities and make political rights meaningful, who can go where in what clothing in what company, who gets to make what sorts of protests against ill-treatment both inside and outside the family, and whose voice of protest is likely to be heard. Customs and political arrangements, in short, are important causes of women's misery and death. It seems incumbent on anyone interested in justice to learn the facts about women's health status and then to inquire about the relationship between culture and justice, and between both of