FEMINISM AND INTERNATIONALISM

FEMINISM AND INTERNATIONALISM
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女权主义与国际主义

DOI:
10.1111/j.1467-9973.1996.tb00878.x
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发表时间:
1996
期刊:
影响因子:
0.5
通讯作者:
M. Nussbaum
M. Nussbaum
中科院分区:
--
文献类型:
--
作者:
M. Nussbaum

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204玛莎·努斯鲍姆不受尊敬。她们在工作场所的处境经常受到歧视和性骚扰的破坏。与男性相比,女性识字的可能性要小得多。在南亚,女性识字率平均约为男性的50%,在其他地区,这一比例仍然较低。世界上三分之二的文盲是女性。在高等教育方面,无论是在发展中国家还是在工业化国家,女性都远远落后于男性。一些国家仍然不允许妇女投票。妇女有效参与政治生活还有许多非正式障碍。几乎在任何地方,他们在政府中的代表性都很低。正如美沙白的故事所表明的那样,外出就业与健康和营养有着密切的关系。政治声音也经常如此。事实上,如果我们现在转向最基本的健康和生存问题,我们会发现令人信服的证据表明,世界上许多国家都存在歧视女性的现象。似乎在营养和医疗保健同等的情况下,女性的平均寿命略长于男性--即使考虑到适度的孕产妇死亡率。在一些极度贫困的地区,在基本健康和营养方面仍然几乎没有性别歧视的证据:因此,撒哈拉以南非洲的性别比是102.2/100.5,如果我们现在检查其他国家的性别比,并提出这样一个问题:如果C国的性别比与撒哈拉以南非洲的性别比相同,那么C国的女性会比现在多多少?我们得到了一个数字,阿玛蒂亚·森用图形方式将这个数字称为“失踪女性人数”。东南亚失踪妇女人数为240万,拉丁美洲4.4人,北非2.4人,伊朗1.4人,中国44.0人,孟加拉国3.7人,印度36.7人,巴基斯坦5.2人,西亚4.3人。贫穷本身并不会导致女性的死亡人数多于男性。当食物稀缺时,习俗和政治安排往往会决定谁能吃得饱,谁能去看医生。而习俗和政治安排在决定谁可以在家外从事有薪劳动方面总是至关重要的,这是决定家庭和社区总体地位的重要因素。习俗和政治决定了谁可以接受教育,这将创造就业机会并使政治权利具有意义,谁可以穿着什么衣服在哪家公司去哪里,谁可以在家庭内外发起什么样的抗议活动,以及谁的抗议声音可能会被听到。简而言之,习俗和政治安排是妇女痛苦和死亡的重要原因。任何对司法感兴趣的人似乎都有责任了解有关妇女健康状况的事实,然后询问文化与司法之间的关系,以及两者之间的关系
204 MARTHA NUSSBAUM low respect. Their situation in the workplace is frequently undermined by discrimination and sexual harassment. Women are much less likely than men to be literate. In South Asia, female literacy rates average around 50% those of males, and in other regions the rate is still lower. Two thirds of the world's illiterate people are women. In higher education, women lag even further behind men, in both developing and industrial nations. Some countries still do not allow women the vote. There are also many informal obstacles to women's effective participation in political life. Almost everywhere, they are underrepresented in government. As Metha Bai's story indicates, employment outside the home has a close relationship to health and nutrition. So too, frequently, does political voice. And if we now turn, in fact, to the very basic issue of health and survival, we find compelling evidence of discrimination against females in many nations of the world. It appears that when equal nutrition and health care are present women live, on average, slightly longer than men-even allowing for a modest level of maternal mortality. In some regions where there is great poverty, there is still little evidence of gender discrimination in basic health and nutrition: thus the sex ratio in Sub-Saharan Africa is 102.2/100.5 If we now examine the sex ratio in various other countries and ask the question," How many more women than are now in country C would be there if its sex ratio were the same as that of Sub-Saharan Africa?," we get a number that Amartya Sen has graphically called the number of" missing women." The number of missing women in Southeast Asia is 2.4 millions, in Latin America 4.4, in North Africa 2.4, in Iran 1.4, in China 44.0, in Bangladesh 3.7, in India 36.7, in Pakistan 5.2, in West Asia 4.3. Poverty alone does not cause women to die in greater numbers than men. When there is a scarcity, custom and political arrangement frequently decree who gets to eat the little there is, and who gets taken to the doctor. And custom and political arrangement are always crucial in deciding who gets to perform wage labor outside the home, an important determinant of general status in the family and community. Custom and politics decree who gets access to the education that would open job opportunities and make political rights meaningful, who can go where in what clothing in what company, who gets to make what sorts of protests against ill-treatment both inside and outside the family, and whose voice of protest is likely to be heard. Customs and political arrangements, in short, are important causes of women's misery and death. It seems incumbent on anyone interested in justice to learn the facts about women's health status and then to inquire about the relationship between culture and justice, and between both of